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Palestinians search through the rubble of their destroyed homes hit by
Israeli strikes in the northern Gaza Strip, during the 2014 assault.
(IMAGE: UN Photo/Shareef Sarhan, Flickr)
Almost six decades on, there’s an enduring silence by those in the
halls of power – and in the media – on Palestine, writes John Pilger.
When I first went to Palestine as a young reporter in the 1960s, I
stayed on a kibbutz. The people I met were hard-working, spirited and
called themselves socialists. I liked them.
One evening at dinner, I asked about the silhouettes of people in the far distance, beyond our perimeter.
“Arabs”, they said, “nomads”. The words were almost spat out. Israel,
they said, meaning Palestine, had been mostly wasteland and one of the
great feats of the Zionist enterprise was to turn the desert green.
They gave as an example their crop of Jaffa oranges, which was
exported to the rest of the world. What a triumph against the odds of
nature and humanity’s neglect.
It was the first lie. Most of the orange groves and vineyards
belonged to Palestinians who had been tilling the soil and exporting
oranges and grapes to Europe since the eighteenth century. The former
Palestinian town of Jaffa was known by its previous inhabitants as “the
place of sad oranges”. One of the many orange orchards seized from Palestinians in Jaffa. (IMAGE: gnuckx, Flickr)
On the kibbutz, the word “Palestinian” was never used. Why, I asked. The answer was a troubled silence.
All over the colonised world, the true sovereignty of indigenous
people is feared by those who can never quite cover the fact, and the
crime, that they live on stolen land.
Denying people’s humanity is the next step – as the Jewish people
know only too well. Defiling people’s dignity and culture and pride
follows as logically as violence.
In Ramallah, following an invasion of the West Bank by the late Ariel
Sharon in 2002, I walked through streets of crushed cars and demolished
houses, to the Palestinian Cultural Centre. Until that morning, Israeli
soldiers had camped there.
I was met by the centre’s director, the novelist, Liana Badr, whose
original manuscripts lay scattered and torn across the floor. The hard
drive containing her fiction, and a library of plays and poetry had been
taken by Israeli soldiers. Almost everything was smashed, and defiled. Ramallah, Palestine. (IMAGE: Michael Rose, Flickr)
Not a single book survived with all its pages; not a single master tape from one of the best collections of Palestinian cinema.
The soldiers had urinated and defecated on the floors, on desks, on
embroideries and works of art. They had smeared faeces on children’s
paintings and written – in shit – “Born to kill”.
Liana Badr had tears in her eyes, but she was unbowed. She said, “We will make it right again.”
What enrages those who colonise and occupy, steal and oppress,
vandalise and defile is the victims’ refusal to comply. And this is the
tribute we all should pay the Palestinians. They refuse to comply. They
go on. They wait – until they fight again. And they do so even when
those governing them collaborate with their oppressors.
In the midst of the 2014 Israeli bombardment of Gaza, the Palestinian
journalist Mohammed Omer never stopped reporting. He and his family
were stricken; he queued for food and water and carried it through the
rubble. When I phoned him, I could hear the bombs outside his door. He
refused to comply.
Mohammed’s reports, illustrated by his graphic photographs, were a
model of professional journalism that shamed the compliant and craven
reporting of the so-called mainstream in Britain and the United States.
The BBC notion of objectivity – amplifying the myths and lies of
authority, a practice of which it is proud – is shamed every day by the
likes of Mohamed Omer. A file image of Gaza in 2009. (IMAGE: gloucester2gaza, Flickr)
For more than 40 years, I have recorded the refusal of the people of
Palestine to comply with their oppressors: Israel, the United States,
Britain, the European Union.
Since 2008, Britain alone has granted licences for export to Israel
of arms and missiles, drones and sniper rifles, worth £434 million.
Those who have stood up to this, without weapons, those who have
refused to comply, are among Palestinians I have been privileged to
know:
My friend, the late Mohammed Jarella, who toiled for the United
Nations agency UNRWA, in 1967 showed me a Palestinian refugee camp for
the first time. It was a bitter winter’s day and schoolchildren shook
with the cold. “One day …” he would say. “One day …”
Mustafa Barghouti, whose eloquence remains undimmed, who described
the tolerance that existed in Palestine among Jews, Muslims and
Christians until, as he told me, “the Zionists wanted a state at the expense of the Palestinians.”
Dr. Mona El-Farra, a physician in Gaza, whose passion was raising
money for plastic surgery for children disfigured by Israeli bullets and
shrapnel. Her hospital was flattened by Israeli bombs in 2014.
Dr. Khalid Dahlan, a psychiatrist, whose clinics for children in Gaza
– children sent almost mad by Israeli violence – were oases of
civilisation. UK
Minister of State for International Development, Alan Duncan MP, visits
Gaza, 10th December 2012. He is the first British minister to visit
Gaza since the ceasefire entered into force on 21 November. (IMAGE:
UNRWA/Shareef Sarhan, Flickr).
Fatima and Nasser are a couple whose home stood in a village near
Jerusalem designated “Zone A and B”, meaning that the land was declared
for Jews only. Their parents had lived there; their grandparents had
lived there. Today, the bulldozers are laying roads for Jews only,
protected by laws for Jews only.
It was past midnight when Fatima went into labour with their second
child. The baby was premature; and when they arrived at a checkpoint
with the hospital in view, the young Israeli soldier said they needed
another document.
Fatima was bleeding badly. The soldier laughed and imitated her moans
and told them, “Go home”. The baby was born there in a truck. It was
blue with cold and soon, without care, died from exposure. The baby’s
name was Sultan.
For Palestinians, these will be familiar stories. The question is:
why are they not familiar in London and Washington, Brussels and Sydney?
In Syria, a recent liberal cause – a George Clooney cause – is
bankrolled handsomely in Britain and the United States, even though the
beneficiaries, the so-called rebels, are dominated by jihadist fanatics,
the product of the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq and the destruction
of modern Libya.
And yet, the longest occupation and resistance in modern times is not
recognized. When the United Nations suddenly stirs and defines Israel
as an apartheid state, as it did this year, there is outrage – not
against a state whose “core purpose” is racism but against a UN
commission that dared break the silence.
“Palestine,” said Nelson Mandela, “is the greatest moral issue of our time.”
Why is this truth suppressed, day after day, month after month, year after year? Israel’s ‘security wall’, on the outskirts of Jerusalem. (IMAGE: Chris Graham, New Matilda).
On Israel – the apartheid state, guilty of a crime against humanity
and of more international law-breaking than any other – the silence
persists among those who know and whose job it is to keep the record
straight.
On Israel, so much journalism is intimidated and controlled by a
groupthink that demands silence on Palestine while honourable journalism
has become dissidence: a metaphoric underground.
A single word – “conflict” – enables this silence. “The Arab-Israeli conflict”,
intone the robots at their tele-prompters. When a veteran BBC reporter,
a man who knows the truth, refers to “two narratives”, the moral
contortion is complete.
There is no conflict, no two narratives, with their moral fulcrum. There is a military occupation enforced by a nuclear-armed power backed by the greatest military power on earth; and there is an epic injustice.
The word “occupation” may be banned, deleted from the dictionary. But
the memory of historical truth cannot be banned: of the systemic
expulsion of Palestinians from their homeland. “Plan D” the Israelis
called it in 1948.
The Israeli historian Benny Morris describes how David Ben-Gurion,
Israel’s first prime minister, was asked by one of his generals: “What
shall we do with the Arabs?” The Knesset, Israel’s parliament. (IMAGE: Ze’ev Barkan, Flickr)
The prime minister, wrote Morris, “made a dismissive, energetic gesture with his hand”. “Expel them!” he said.
Seventy years later, this crime is suppressed in the intellectual and
political culture of the West. Or it is debatable, or merely
controversial. Highly-paid journalists eagerly accept Israeli government
trips, hospitality and flattery, then are truculent in their
protestations of independence. The term, “useful idiots”, was coined for
them.
In 2011, I was struck by the ease with which one of Britain’s most
acclaimed novelists, Ian McEwan, a man bathed in the glow of bourgeois
enlightenment, accepted the Jerusalem Prize for literature in the
apartheid state.
Would McEwan have gone to Sun City in apartheid South Africa? They
gave prizes there, too, all expenses paid. McEwan justified his action
with weasel words about the independence of “civil society”.
Propaganda – of the kind McEwan delivered, with its token slap on the
wrists for his delighted hosts – is a weapon for the oppressors of
Palestine. Like sugar, it insinuates almost everything today.
Understanding and deconstructing state and cultural propaganda is our
most critical task. We are being frog-marched into a second cold war,
whose eventual aim is to subdue and balkanise Russia and intimidate
China. Russian president Vladimir Putin (IMAGE: Screengrab, RT).
When Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin spoke privately for more than
two hours at the G20 meeting in Hamburg, apparently about the need not
to go to war with each other, the most vociferous objectors were those
who have commandeered liberalism, such as the Zionist political writer
of the Guardian.
“No wonder Putin was smiling in Hamburg,” wrote Jonathan Freedland.
“He knows he has succeeded in his chief objective: he has made American
weak again.” Cue hissing for Evil Vlad.
These propagandists have never known war but they love the game they
play. What Ian McEwan calls “civil society” has become a rich source of
related propaganda.
Take a term often used by the guardians of civil society – “human
rights”. Like another noble concept, “democracy”, “human rights” has
been all but emptied of its meaning and purpose.
Like “peace process” and “road map”, human rights in Palestine have
been hijacked by Western governments and the corporate NGOs they fund
and which claim a quixotic moral authority.
So when Israel is called upon by governments and NGOs to “respect
human rights” in Palestine, nothing happens, because they all know there
is nothing to fear.
Mark the silence of the European Union, which accommodates Israel
while refusing to maintain its commitments to the people of Gaza – such
as keeping the lifeline of the Rafah border crossing open: a measure it
agreed to as part of its role in the cessation of fighting in 2014. A
seaport for Gaza – agreed by Brussels in 2014 – has been abandoned.
The UN commission I have referred to – its full name is the UN
Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia – described Israel as,
and I quote, “designed for the core purpose” of racial discrimination. The United Nations.
Millions understand this. What the governments in London, Washington,
Brussels and Tel Aviv cannot control is that humanity at street level
is changing perhaps as never before.
People everywhere are stirring and more aware, in my view, than ever
before. Some are already in open revolt. The atrocity of Grenfell Tower
in London has brought communities together in a vibrant almost national
resistance.
Thanks to a people’s campaign, the judiciary is today examining the
evidence of a possible prosecution of Tony Blair for war crimes. Even if
this fails, it is a crucial development, dismantling yet another
barrier between the public and its recognition of the voracious nature
of the crimes of state power – the systemic disregard for humanity
perpetrated in Iraq, in Grenfell Tower, in Palestine.
Those are the dots waiting to be joined.
For most of the 21st century, the fraud of corporate power
posing as democracy has depended on the propaganda of distraction:
largely on a cult of “me-ism” designed to overwhelm our sense of looking
out for others, of acting together, of social justice and
internationalism.
Class, gender and race were wrenched apart. Only the personal became
the political and the media the message. The promotion of bourgeois
privilege was presented as “progressive” politics. It wasn’t. It never
is. It is the promotion of privilege, and power.
Among young people, internationalism has found a vast new audience.
Look at the support for Jeremy Corbyn and the reception the G20 circus
in Hamburg received. By understanding the truth and imperatives of
internationalism, we understand the struggle of Palestine.
Mandela put it this way: “We know only too well that our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians.” A Nelson Mandela bust in London. (IMAGE: Paul Simpson, flickr)
At the heart of the Middle East is the historic injustice in
Palestine. Until that is resolved, and Palestinians have their freedom
and homeland, and Israelis and Palestinians are equal before the law,
there will be no peace in the region, or perhaps anywhere.
What Mandela was saying is that freedom itself is precarious while
powerful governments can deny justice to others, terrorise others,
imprison and kill others, in our name. Israel certainly understands the
threat that one day it might have to be normal.
That is why its ambassador to Britain is Mark Regev, well known to
journalists as a professional propagandist, and why the “huge bluff” of
charges of anti-Semitism, as Ilan Pappe called it, was allowed to
contort the Labour Party and undermine Jeremy Corbyn as leader. The
point is, it did not succeed.
Events are moving quickly now. The remarkable Boycott, Disinvestment
and Sanctions campaign (BDS) is succeeding, day-by-day; cities and
towns, trade unions and student bodies are endorsing it. The British
government’s attempt to restrict local councils from enforcing BDS has
failed in the courts.
These are not straws in the wind. When the Palestinians rise again,
as they will, they may not succeed at first – but they will eventually
if we understand that they are us, and we are them.
This is an abridged version of John Pilger’s address to the
Palestinian Expo in London on 8 July, 2017. John Pilger’s film,
‘Palestine Is Still the Issue’, can be viewed here.
John Pilger is a regular contributor to
New Matilda, and an award-winning Australian journalist and documentary
film-maker. Some of his more famous works include Secret Country, Utopia
and Cambodia: Year Zero.