THE LEGACY OF THE MARIKANA MASSACRE,TEN YEARS LATER

A cross of remembrance during the commemoration on 16 August 2016 of the 2012 Marikana massacre in Rustenburg. (Photo: Gallo Images / Sowetan / Antonio Muchave) Maverick Citizen

MOMENT OF TRUTH OP-ED

The legacy of the Marikana massacre, ten years later By Benjamin Fogel 11 Aug 2022 0

For many, the massacre was the moment when the blinkers were removed and the underlying injustices that have stunted the development of South African democracy were revealed in all their brutality.

Listen to this article 0:00 / 8:01 BeyondWords This Op-Ed forms part of “Marikana, 10 Years On”, a one-day symposium which will be held at Constitution Hill in Johannesburg on 20 August from 12pm to 6.30pm. If one were to pick a moment when the narrative of post-apartheid South Africa as a nation, for all its faults, generally stumbling forward in the right direction ended; no moment stands out as clearly as the Marikana massacre, when on 16 August 2012, 34 striking mineworkers were gunned down by the police on live TV. In the week preceding the massacre, 10 others had been killed. Over the 10 years since the massacre, the country has become poorer, more violent and divided. GDP per capita has declined from just over $8,000 to under $7,000, unemployment is now close to 50%, the basic functions of government have collapsed in much of the country, the labour movement has grown weaker and more divided, and the threat of political violence to activists is ever more apparent. Join the 230 000 South Africans who read First Thing newsletter. Each week that passes in South Africa seems to bring with it a report of some new atrocity, from mass tavern shootings to xenophobic attacks and political assassinations. Last year’s July insurrection reflected that the country faces a growing threat posed by mass unrest, political mafias and right-wing ethno-nationalist politics (most notably by a slate of black majority parties) which the state is evidently ill-equipped to manage; in large part because the influence of these mafias extends across all levels of government. But what does this all have to do with Marikana? If one were to ask, how did we get to the South Africa of 2022 after State Capture, following the absurdly corrupt and brutal Covid lockdown regulations, the July insurrection, the Life Esidimeni tragedy, and suffering regular blackouts and with a burnt-out hollow shell where there used to be our Parliament? Marikana is a good place to begin. Marikana was the moment when the core institutions of South African democracy — not just limited to the state — failed. It was the worst massacre of its kind under the democratic order, in which the police — who belonged to Cosatu, the same trade union federation as many of the striking mineworkers — shot and killed striking workers under the auspices of the ANC government that promised a better future for workers. An atrocity that was defended by Cosatu leaders and the SA Communist Party. In the aftermath of the atrocity, with some notable exceptions, our civil society — from NGOs to media, social movements and trade unions — failed to hold the government to account or even provide meaningful solidarity with the victims of the massacre, either opting for silence or in some cases actively reproducing the state’s justifications. The failure of much of the South African media remains even more apparent, given that the killings were broadcast on live television. The core institutions of our democracy, from the National Prosecuting Authority to Parliament, failed to hold the government and police to account, even after an inquiry found that former police commissioner Riah Phiyega should be held responsible for the deaths of the 34 mineworkers. Since 2012, no police officer has been charged for any of the shootings. If anything, the police are more violent and incompetent than ever. Instead, it took the work of a few dedicated journalists and researchers for the actual story of what happened that day to be revealed to the public. It took even longer for the documentary Miners Shot Down and the findings of the Farlam Commission to change public consciousness about what transpired on 16 August 2012. Political amnesia Marikana stands out as one of the political moments in South Africa that has fallen victim to the plague of political amnesia that stalks the country, as the warring factions of the ANC use it as a weapon for their internal struggles: members of the pro-Jacob Zuma Radical Economic Transformation faction use it to attack President Cyril Ramaphosa, despite the fact that the massacre occurred under Zuma’s watch. Others still refer to it as though it was some sort of natural disaster, a tragedy that ultimately nobody was responsible for. Ten years later, justice remains elusive for most survivors of Marikana. While 35 families have been paid compensation of approximately R70-million, a larger group of more than 300 miners who were injured during the shooting rampage are still trying to claim compensation of R1-billion. In a recent development, the high court ruled that Ramaphosa could be found liable for the events that led up to the massacre for his role as a Lonmin director. However, proving civil liability will be up to the mineworkers to try to accomplish in court. There is also the ongoing trial of former North West deputy police commissioner Major-General William Mpembe and other police officers for the murder of five people at Marikana on 13 August 2012. Mpembe and his colleagues face five counts of murder and attempted murder as well as contravening the Commissions Act for giving false information during the Farlam Commission. But 10 years later, public interest has all but dissipated and the old legal maxim could not be truer: justice delayed is justice denied. While political battles are waged through protracted court proceedings, the workers of the Platinum Belt in North West face ongoing exploitation, dysfunctional government, political violence (at least 22 workers have been murdered since the massacre), material deprivation and the predatory lending schemes of mashonisas (loan sharks) and payday loan companies. For many, including myself, the massacre was the moment when the blinkers were removed and the underlying injustices that have stunted the development of South African democracy were revealed in all their brutality. The lack of public outrage in the wake of the massacre and the absence of mass protests and solidarity remain a cause of shame for the country. The indifference of the public became even starker even as the workers of the Platinum Belt embarked on one of the largest wildcat strikes in our history, and in 2014-2015 would win the longest strike in South African history. Marikana has come to serve as a potent symbol of resistance for the South African working class, employed by protesting students, striking workers and community protests. The Marikana strikes went on to influence and inspire other workers’ movements outside the Platinum Belt, like the farmworker strikes in De Doorns in the Western Cape in 2012-13 which galvanised more than 9,000 participants in their mission to improve their working conditions. The lesson of Marikana is that even under the most difficult circumstances effective mobilisation and organisation are possible — workers across the Platinum Belt opted to join and expand the strike rather than mourn silently or surrender. It is this extraordinary moment that provides a rallying cry for those who still wish to see a more just and equal South Africa. DM Benjamin Fogel is a PhD candidate in Latin American history at New York University and a Jacobin contributing editor. Fogel is one of the organisers of “Marikana, 10 Years On”, a one-day symposium at Constitution Hill in Johannesburg on 20 August from 12pm to 6.30pm. The symposium will also be streamed online. The event is presented by Africa Is a Country, with support from Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung (Southern African Office). Logistical details will be posted at http://africasacountry.com

MARIKANA MASSACRE: UPDATE

Marikana: More than four years after the massacre that shocked the world, charges against police finally laid

• Greg Nicolson Daily Maverick
• 12 Dec 2016  (South Africa)

Over four years after the Marikana Massacre, the Presidency’s announcement on Sunday that some police officers would be charged and compensation is ready to be paid was welcomed, albeit cautiously, by victims’ representatives, whose fight for justice has repeatedly been delayed. By GREG NICOLSON.

There’s evidence showing that at almost every stage of the Marikana operation, the SAPS either broke the law or ignored its own policies. There was the confusion, possible murders, on 13 August. The bungled attempts at crime intelligence. The arbitrary decision to “go tactical” and forcefully end the Lonmin strike, linked to documented company and political concerns about talking to workers. An ill-timed and disastrously implemented plan at scene one on 16 August, leading to 17 deaths. A chaotic and murderous pursuit of miners at scene two, causing another 17 deaths. And a cover-up defined by lies and distortions. 

Justice, in the form of criminal charges against responsible SAPS officers, and compensation for workers who survived and the relatives of those who were killed, has been elusive after the report from the two-year commission of inquiry was finally released in June 2015 by President Jacob Zuma. The Presidency on Sunday offered some hope, although after repeated delays the commitments have been met with scepticism.

The Marikana Commission of Inquiry recommended that the Directorate of Public Prosecutions should investigate a wide range of claims against police. The National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) has been working with the Independent Police Investigative Directorate (IPID) to investigate potential charges. In an update on the implementation of the commission’s recommendations, the Presidency on Sunday announced that multiple charges have been laid against SAPS officers. The Presidency’s statement was opaque, but it appears most of the charges laid relate to the five deaths – three strikers and two police officers – on 13 August, while the killings on 16 August are still being investigated.

Investigations found an officer in command was “remiss in his conduct when dealing with the incident of 13 August 2012, which led to the deaths of two police officers, namely, Warrant Officer Lepaaku and Warrant Officer Monene, as well as three strikers, Mr Mati, Mr Sokhanyile and Mr Jokanisi”, the Presidency said. The officer facing charges, which is clearly Major-General William Mpembe, has been charged with four murders – two strikers and two police officers – and six counts of attempted murder for those injured on the day. He will also face charges of defeating the ends of justice for how he presented his role in Marikana. 

“A colonel, warrant officer and a constable have all been charged for the murder of Mr Sokhanyile,” the Presidency continued. Sokhanyile was killed on 13 August, but the commission did not make conclusive findings on who the killer might be.

A criminal case has been opened against a major-general, which evidence suggests is Ganasen Naidoo, for defeating the ends of justice. He was in command at scene two on 16 August and the commission said he failed to exert command and control at what has been termed the “killing koppie” and failed to give his firearm to the SAPS ballistics team on time. A case has also been opened against a brigadier who failed to secure the recordings of the SAPS management meeting where the decision to “go tactical”, which led to the events of 16 August, was taken. The recording was with Brigadier Ledile Malahlela when it was suddenly erased and crucial information on the SAPS management’s decisions on the operation at Marikana was lost.

“Forensic, ballistic and other evidence, including the authentication of incident footage, are still outstanding. Also, indications are that the police might have tampered with the crime scene,” said the Presidency, suggesting further charges are on the way. Two brigadiers, one heading the North West provincial detectives unit and another in charge of detectives at a detention centre, have been charged with defeating the ends of justice for concealing a death in custody. It’s unclear which death this relates to as it does not appear to have come up in the commission. The Presidency also said charges are being considered against those who misled the Marikana Inquiry, which could affect top officers like suspended Commissioner Riah Phiyega.

NPA spokesperson Luvuyo Mfaku on Sunday said prosecutors and IPID are still working on investigations and the NPA has not yet decided to prosecute any of those who charges have been laid against. “I’d imagine that a decision would be taken fairly soon,” he said.

“I think for the families, they’ll be very relieved that there will be some movement on criminal prosecutions,” said Socio-Economic Rights Institute (SERI) director of litigation Nomzamo Zondo. SERI represents the families of 36 people killed at Marikana. 

A source who worked closely with the Marikana Commission and who requested anonymity on Sunday said the exact details of the charges are not clear from the statement and we will have to wait to see “if this NPA performs”. The lawyer warned of potential “scape-goating to protect certain other commanders”. Some officers, like Mpembe, who has been charged with a wide range of murder and attempted murder cases, have already been sidelined in Marikana’s aftermath.

Another source, an expert in policing issues who has worked comprehensively on Marikana-related issues, said “don’t hold your breath” on criminal prosecutions.

While the Presidency’s statement suggested further charges against police at Marikana might be likely, the source said even with prima facie criminal cases against police officers using lethal force in the line of duty it’s “notoriously” difficult to secure prosecutions. “Even if they are prosecuted, one should not assume that convictions are likely.”

Rehad Desai from the Marikana Support Campaign on Sunday said, “We whole-heartedly welcome this statement as a starting point for justice for the victims of Marikana. The prosecutions against the police are a real beginning but we believe it’s inconceivable that Lonmin executives have not been held accountable on criminal charges as should be the case with the ministers who were advanced in the planning of this operation. We welcome it as a fine starting point but it’s certainly not the end of the matter.” 

Desai called for further investigations into Lonmin executives and Cabinet ministers accused of involvement (whom the commission of inquiry mostly exonerated, due to insufficient evidence). He said issues about political interference within the NPA are well known, but he hoped it would not be the case regarding Marikana. 

Andries Nkome, attorney for the 275 injured and arrested mineworkers in Marikana, also called for further action against Lonmin and politicians accused of causing the massacre. 

“We have said that it is not enough for consequences only to follow on Riah Phiyega [reportedly about to be fired after the findings of another commission]. We expect consequences to follow for Cyril Ramaphosa,” he said, noting the deputy president’s alleged involvement, along with a number of other ANC politicians.

The Presidency’s statement also spoke of the compensation claims from the families of those who died in Marikana as well as the injured and arrested strikers: 

“Regarding the compensation for the Marikana victims, government is ready to pay. The SAPS has instructed its attorneys to make offers of payments in full settlement of claims for the claims where quantification were complete and are not under criminal investigation,” it said. Lonmin has given jobs to the family members of employees who were killed, but financial support is a key concern for many of the deceased’s relatives.

“All the time we hear about offers being made to us in the press, in media statements, and the Presidency is not communicating with us on how to settle the claims,” said Nkome, noting past commitments. 

“It still feels like they are playing to the media, playing to the public, that there isn’t any real sympathy for the families,” said Zondo. She said if government is now willing to pay, effectively admitting responsibility for the actions of the SAPS, it should now say when and where it will apologise for what happened. 

There are other complications regarding compensation. Relatives of the killed mineworkers have made claims for loss of financial support, as well as other issues like emotional distress, loss of family life and loss of parental care. The Presidency only spoke on the loss of financial support. Zondo said while discussions have been ongoing and offers of compensation have been made for some families regarding loss of financial support, there is a “clear as broad daylight” case they will pursue regarding issues like loss of family life.

If compensation is only paid on the potential income the mineworkers might have made, it won’t amount to much, said the lawyer involved in the commission. “Loss of support will be an actuarial forecast of the pittance that would be earned by the mineworkers had they not been killed. This is wholly inadequate compensation for killing their fathers, husbands, sons and brothers.”

The Presidency statement also spoke on broad police reforms suggested by the Marikana Inquiry and Lonmin’s social and labour plan, which the commission found the company failed to implement, a contributing factor to the conditions that led to the massacre. On housing issues, the Presidency noted Lonmin’s recent progress had been slow and the Department of Mineral Resources would take further action and could suspend or cancel Lonmin’s mining licence if it does not comply with requests. Lonmin head of communications and branding Wendy Tlou on Sunday said the company is committed to “doing its part as outlined in the report” but it needed an opportunity to study the Presidency’s statement.

Droplets of justice might be on the way, but the drought isn’t over. DM

Photo: South African police check the bodies of striking mineworkers shot dead at the Wonderkop informal settlement near Marikana platinum mine, Rustenburg, South Africa, 16 August 2012. EPA/STR

Greg Nicolson

SOWETO DAY 16 JUNE 1976 - 40 YEARS AGO AND THE WORLD HAS FORGOTTEN!

SOWETO UPRISING 16 JUNE 1976 - 40 YEARS AGO

On 16 June 1976 the South African apartheid government, which had been trying to force Afrikaans on the schools in Soweto, saw the results of their destruction of the education system instituted for the Blacks in South Africa break down when the young people of Soweto went on a strike from their school system and rioted in the townships.

Shootings by the police on that day and subsequently saw South Africa erupt with riots, assassinations, police state actions and worse leading to suppression equal to the worst apartheid control ongoing for the next 18 years.

Then the unthinkable occurred - boycott, divestment and sanctions helped bring the apartheid regime to its knees and the apartheid government released Nelson Mandela and others, negotiated with them and in April 1994 the first democratic election occurred in South Africa.

End of apartheid and a "new world order" for all South Africans - or so we all believed until August 2012 when 34miners were killed by police - mostly blacks killing blacks - at Marikana - the largest massacre of civilians in South Africa since Sharpeville in 1960.

So deep an impression on the world in 1994, so forgotten completely 40 years later so that no main stream media seem to have remembered this historic event which changed the world's perception of the original apartheid state to the extent that the world now shuts the other apartheid state out of sight, out of mind - Israel maintaining the largest concentration camps in Palestine the world has ever known and practising apartheid with a concentration that shows how much further the South African apartheid regime could have gone.

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From  southafrica.info

June 16 1976: The day youth changed South Africa's history

A placard from the student protest. The events of 16 June 1976 were sparked by the apartheid government imposing Afrikaans as the language of teaching in black schools.

15 June 2016

Compiled by Mary Alexander

It took a single day for young South Africans to change the course of South Africa's history, setting us on the path to democracy.

That day was 16 June 1976.

Here is an hour-by-hour account of events as they unfolded, 40 years ago.

• This Youth Day, follow real-time tweets of the events of 16 June 1976 on @SA_info via the #SowetoUprising hashtag.

Protesting Soweto students in 1976. (Image: Doing Violence to Memory)

Background: An education denied

By 1976, the frustration had been building for a generation. Young black South Africans knew their schooling was the worst in South Africa.

In 1953, the new National Party government had passed the Bantu Education Act, which made sure black youth were educated only to the point that they could be servants to white people's prosperity.

Before then, South Africa had a rich tradition of mission schools. Nelson Mandela, Robert Sobukwe, and many others had been given the opportunity to become some of the best minds in South Africa as a result of their quality schooling.

But the apartheid government wanted the threat of bright African minds to stop. Many mission schools were closed.

By 1976, students' frustration reached boiling point when the government began to introduce Afrikaans as the language of teaching.

Black students, particularly in the cities, were fluent only in African languages and in English. Few knew Afrikaans well enough to be taught in it, let alone write exams in the language.

The mood at the start of the march - before the police opened fire - was hopeful and excited. (Image: South African History Online)

07:00

It is a Wednesday morning, 16 June 1976. Today, the Soweto Students Action Committee have organised the township's high school pupils to march to Orlando Stadium, as a protest against the government's new language policy.

The student leaders come mainly from three Soweto schools: Naledi High in Naledi, Morris Isaacson High in Mofolo, and Phefeni Junior Secondary, close to Vilakazi Street in Orlando.

The protest is well organised. It is to be conducted peacefully. The plan is for students to march from their schools, picking up others along the way, until they meet at Uncle Tom's Municipal Hall. From there they are to continue to Orlando Stadium.

The children of Soweto were in high spirits at the promise of the protest. (Image: Doing Violence to Memory)

07:30

Students gather at Naledi High. The mood is high-spirited and cheerful. At assembly the principal gives the students his support and wishes them good luck.

Before they start the march, Action Committee chairperson Tepello Motopanyane addresses the students, emphasising that the march must be disciplined and peaceful.

At the same time, students gather at Morris Isaacson High. Action Committee member Tsietsi Mashinini speaks, also emphasising peace and order. The students set out.

On the way they pass other schools and numbers swell as more students join the march. Some Soweto students are not even aware that the march is happening.

"The first time we heard of it was during our short break," said Sam Khosa of Ibhongo Secondary School. "Our leaders informed the principal that students from Morris Isaacson were marching. We then joined one of the groups and marched."

There are eventually 11 columns of students marching to Orlando Stadium - up to 10 000 of them, according to some estimates.

09:00

There have been a few minor skirmishes with police along the way. But now the police barricade the students' path, stopping the march.

Tietsi Mashinini climbs on a tractor so everyone can see him, and addresses the crowd.

"Brothers and sisters, I appeal to you - keep calm and cool. We have just received a report that the police are coming. Don't taunt them, don't do anything to them. Be cool and calm. We are not fighting."

It is a tense moment for police and students. Police retreat to wait for reinforcements. The students continue their march.

By Thursday 17 June 1976 the student uprising had spread to Alexandra township in the far north of Johannesburg.
The placard in the centre reads: "Vorster and Kruger shall not go to heaven."
In 1976, JB Vorster was prime minister of the apartheid government, and Jimmy Kruger his minister of police.
The placard on the right - partly cut off - reads simply: "Don't shoot. We are not fighting."
(Image: Doing Violence to Memory)

09:30

The marchers arrive at today's Hector Pieterson Square. Police again stop them.

It was here that everything changed. There have been different accounts of what actually started the shooting.

The atmosphere is tense. But the students remain calm and well-ordered.

Suddenly a white policeman lobs a teargas canister into the front of the crowd. People run out of the smoke dazed and coughing. The crowd retreats slightly, but remain facing the police, waving placards and singing.

Police have now surrounded the column of students, blocking the march at the front and behind. At the back of the crowd a policeman sets his dog on the students. The students retaliate, throwing stones at the dog.

A policeman at the back of the crowd draws his revolver. Black journalists hear someone shout, "Look at him. He's going to shoot at the kids."

A single shot rings out. Hastings Ndlovu, 14 years old, is the first to be shot. He dies later in hospital.

After the first shot, police at the front of the crowd panic and open fire.

The Hector Pieterson Memorial in Soweto. (Image: Brand South Africa)

Twelve-year-old Hector Pieterson collapses, fatally injured. He is picked up and carried by Mbuyisa Makhubo, a fellow student, who runs towards Phefeni Clinic. Pieterson's crying sister Antoinette runs alongside. The moment is immortalised by photographer Sam Nzima, and the image becomes an emblem of the uprising.

There is pandemonium in the crowd. Children scream. More shots are fired. At least four students have fallen to the ground. The rest run screaming in all directions.

10:00

Dr Malcolm Klein, a coloured doctor in the trauma unit at Baragwanath Hospital, is on his break when a nurse summons him with a look of utter distress on her face.

Bloodied, injured and dying students were ferried to Baragwanath Hospital in Soweto. (Image: Doing Violence to Memory)

"I followed her and was met by a grisly scene: a rush of orderlies wheeling stretchers bearing the bodies of bloodied children into the resuscitation room," he recalled later. "All had the red 'Urgent Direct' stickers stuck to their foreheads ...

"I stared in horror at the stretcher bearing the body of a young boy in a neat school uniform, a bullet wound to one side of his head, blood spilling out of a large exit wound on the other side, the gurgle of death in his throat. Only later would I learn his name: Hastings Ndlovu."

12:00

After the first massacre, the students flee in different directions. Anger at the senseless killings inspires retaliation.

Buildings and vehicles belonging to the government's West Rand Administrative Buildings are set alight and burned to the ground. Bottlestores are burned and looted.

More students are killed by police, particularly in encounters near Regina Mundi Church in Orlando and the Esso garage in Chiawelo. As students are stopped by the police in one area, they move their protest action elsewhere.

By the end of the day most of Soweto has felt the impact of the protest.

Schools close early, at about noon. Many students, so far unaware of the day's events, walk out of school to a township on fire. Many join the protests. The uprising gains intensity.

21:00

Fires continue blazing into the night. Armoured police cars later known as "hippos" start moving into Soweto.

Official figures put the death toll for that single day at 23 people killed. Other reports say it was at least 200.

Most of the victims are under 23, and shot in the back. Many others are maimed and disabled.

Aftermath

The uprising spreads across South Africa. By the end of the year about 575 people had died across the country, 451 at the hands of police.

The injured number 3 907, with the police responsible for
2 389 of them. During the course of 1976, about 5 980 people are arrested in the townships.

International solidarity movements are roused as an immediate consequence of the revolt. They soon give their support to the pupils, putting pressure on the apartheid government to temper its repressive rule. Many schoolchildren leave South Africa, to join the exiled liberation movements.

This pressure is maintained throughout the 1980s, until resistance movements are finally unbanned in 1990.

Sources and additional information

This is largely an edited and condensed version of the timeline published by South African History Online in the feature The June 16 Soweto Youth Uprising.

Journalist Lucille Davie has written many excellent accounts of the events of June 16 1976. These include:

• 16 June 1976: 'This is our day'
• The day Hector Pieterson died
• Hastings Ndlovu: Forgotten hero of 1976

Additional information - particularly the memories of Baragwanath Hospital trauma doctor Malcolm Klein - sourced from "The Soweto Uprising - Part 1" by Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu, in chapter 7 of The Road to Democracy in South Africa Volume 2, published by the South African Democracy Education Trust.

Many events omitted from this timeline, such as the killing of Dr Melville Edelstein, are to be found in this comprehensive and moving account. The chapter can be downloaded in PDF.

Researcher Helena Pohlandt-McCormick has made a wealth of testimony, photos and documents about the 1976 student uprising available online. Browse her Doing Violence to Memory: The Soweto Uprising.

Clarification of the sequence of events in the initial police shooting, and the deaths of Hastings Ndlovu and Hector Pieterson, was provided by Sulaiman Philip from interviews conducted, during the course of June 2016, with veterans of June 16 1976.

Read more: http://www.southafrica.info/about/history/soweto_1976_timeline.htm#.V2dY7KJ5qct#ixzz4C5GprPHg

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16 June ’76 – Remember Dr Melville Edelstein – the life & death of a good man

Kevin Harris productions

[Broadcast on SABC 2 “Issues of Faith” on 16th June 2013 @ 09h00]
Click here to view the video
PREMISE

Dr Melville Edelstein’s tragic slaying in Soweto on 16th June 1976 by a mob of enraged township youth, is the direct consequence of a racist system that socialized its citizens to judge & respond to one another impulsively on the basis of skin colour stereotypes – rather than evaluating people as individuals with their own particular differentiating personal qualities.

CENTRAL CHARACTER 

The central character is philanthropist, Dr Melville Edelstein.

Dr Edelstein’s goal was to serve humanity.

By all accounts he was a good man who cared about people as individuals.

This caring attitude towards every individual brought about his demise on the 16th June 1976.

Knowing that the situation was volatile – after ensuring that others had moved out of Soweto to safety – Dr Edelstein made the fatal decision to drive back into the township to check on the safety of a colleague.
His colleague had long moved out of the township to safety and Dr Edelstein – caught up in a mob of enraged students – was dragged out of his colleague’s office and brutally slain.

Under the circumstances, Dr Edelstein was slain because he was white.

His death was the direct consequence of the racist system of apartheid which socialized South Africans to impulsively judge and respond to one another not as individuals with individual qualities, but according to a stereotypical image based solely on skin colour.

In this context, as a white man – following shortly after the shock brutal police-shootings, in the volatile heat of that moment – Dr Edelstein represented the oppressor and in that “mob situation” the crowd of black students instinctively avenged the killing and wounding of fellow students by police earlier that day by taking the life of Dr Edelstein.

In his private life, Dr Edelstein carried the pain of rejection by his eldest child and only son Michael from his first marriage.

Despite repeated ongoing attempts to reconcile, to his dying day, Dr Edelstein was rejected by Michael who – in a final act of rejection – legally changed his surname from Edelstein to Lyall.

SYNOPSIS

“16 June ’76 – Remember Dr Melville Edelstein”, is the life-story of Dr Melville Edelstein – brutally slain by a crowd of enraged students in Soweto on June 16th, 1976.

Deputy Chief Welfare Officer of the West Rand Administration Board [WRAB], Dr Edelstein was a philanthropist who over the years instituted many community projects for the Youth & the Disabled in Soweto.

A practicing orthodox Jew, Melville Edelstein was apolitical & dedicated to serving the good of mankind. He was also a pacifist who refused to enlist for World War II.

Before his death, he worked closely with the youth of Soweto & produced a prophetic Masters thesis intended to warn the Nationalist Party Govt of their looming collision-course with Black youth, titled, “What do young Africans Think”.

Highly respected as an academic, Melville Edelstein had the ear of Prime Minister of the day, John Vorster – as well as influential ministers in his Cabinet.

Despite this, his warnings went unheeded.

On June 16th 1976, the youth of Soweto took to the streets to register their rejection of the institution of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction in “Bantu Education” schools.

That morning, Dr Edelstein was hosting the official opening for a branch of his Sheltered Workshop Program designed to provide employment for the disabled in Orlando East, Soweto.

When news of the student uprising reached the project, the ceremony was brought to a hurried end as dignitaries and workers were ferried out of the township.

Concerned about the safety of a colleague – Pierette Jacques, back at the Youth Centre in Jabavu – Melville Edelstein drove from Orlando East through crowds of gathering students to get to her office.

“I told them it was going to happen”, Samuel Thlotleng, a social worker at the Central Western Jabavu office heard Dr Edelstein cry as he rushed into the office instructing his staff to leave immediately.

When Melville Edelstein finally emerged from his office later that morning, the political temperature had long been raised by police shootings in the township & he walked straight into the wrath of a seething crowd of enraged students.

Shortly there-after, news photographer Peter Magubane came across the disfigured remains of Dr Edelstein’s body – a crude sign hung around his neck with the words,
“Beware, Afrikaans is the most dangerous drug for our future”.

“If they’d known who he was, this would never have happened”, Magubane was quoted as saying.

“16 June ’76 – Remember Dr Melville Edelstein” is the little-known story of Dr Melville Edelstein – a philanthropist who chose to work within the confines of the Apartheid system to serve the poor & oppressed. In so doing he brought hope & light into the lives of many of Soweto’s destitute & marginalized community.

Caught in the back-lash to the most oppressive phase of the Apartheid era – Melville Edelstein was the victim of the consequences of the apartheid system – a racist system which socialized South Africans to impulsively judge and respond to one another not as individuals with individual qualities, but according to a stereotypical image based solely on skin colour.

The Scream - Edvard Munch

Contact Kevin Harris

Kevin Harris
Email: khprod@global.co.za
Tel: +27-11-726 4809