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CounterPunch 18 December 2020
Abuse on the Mainland: Australia’s Medevac Hotel Detentions
by Binoy Kampmark
Governments that issue press releases about the abuse of human rights tend to avoid close gazes at the mirror. Doing so would be telling. In the case of Australia, its record on dealing with refugees is both abysmal and cruel. It tends to be easier to point the finger at national security laws in Hong Kong and concentration camps in Xinjiang. Wickedness is always easily found afar.
Australia’s own concentration camp system hums along, inflicting suffering upon asylum seekers and refugees who fled suffering by keeping them in a state of calculated limbo. Its brutality has been so normalised, it barely warrants mention in Australia’s sterile news outlets. In penitence, the country’s literary establishment pays homage to the victims, such as the Kurdish Iranian writer Behrouz Boochani. Garlands and literary prizes have done nothing to shift the vicious centre in Canberra. Boat arrivals remain political slurry and are treated accordingly.
Recently, there were small signs that prevalent amnesia and indifference was being disturbed. The fate of some 200 refugees and asylum seekers brought to the Australian mainland for emergency medical treatment piqued the interest of certain activists. Prior to its repeal as part of a secret arrangement between the Morrison government and Tasmanian senator Jacqui Lambie in December last year, the medical evacuation law was a mixed blessing.
While it was championed as a humanitarian instrument, it did not ensure one iota of freedom. As before, limbo followed like a dank smell. The repeal of the legislation offered another prospect of purgatory, only this time on the mainland.
The individuals in question have found themselves detained in Melbourne at the Mantra Bell City Hotel in Preston, and the Kangaroo Point Central Hotel in Brisbane. In the mind of Refugee Action Coalition spokesman Ian Rintoul, the conditions at both abodes are more restrictive than those on Nauru. The medical help promised has also been tardily delivered, if at all.
“My life is exactly the size of a room, and a narrow corridor,” reflects Mostafa (Moz) Azimitabar, who has been detained at the Mantra for 13 months. Like his fellow detainees, he has become a spectacle, able to see protesters gather outside the hotel, the signs pleading for their release, drivers honking in solidarity. He sees himself as “a fish inside an aquarium … The whole of my life in this window to see the real life, where people are driving, walking; when they wave to us. And when I wave back at them. This is my life.”
When former Australian soccer player turned human rights activist Craig Foster visited Azimitabar, conversation could only take place between a transparent plastic barrier. “I had to talk with him behind the glass,” tweeted the detainee. “Several times a day Serco officers enter my room and there aren’t any glasses for them.”
After the visit, Foster described the corrosion of liberties, “this constant theme of the most onerous regulations … constantly chipping away – just taking another right, another right, another right, and making them feel less and less and less human, if that’s possible after eight years.”
The more obstreperous refugees have been targeted by the Department of Home Affairs and forcibly relocated. Iranian refugee Farhad Rahmati found himself shifted from Kangaroo Point to the Brisbane Immigration Transit Accommodation Centre (BITA), and then to Villawood. BITA also received four more from Kangaroo Point in mid-November.
The advent of COVID-19 compounded the situation. Detainees already vulnerable to other medical conditions faced another danger. The authorities gave a big shrug. Shared bathrooms are the norm and are infrequently cleaned. Hand sanitizer containers are left empty or broken. The inquiry into the failure of Victoria’s quarantine system that led to a second infectious wave in Melbourne avoided considering the conditions of detained refugees. Writing in Eureka Street, Andra Jackson wondered if this had anything to do with the fact “that these men, now detained in some instances for six to seven years, have behaved more responsibly that [sic] some returning travellers.”
The government authorities did release five refugees from the medevac hotels last week, threatened by lawsuits testing the legal status of their detention. On December 14, the 60 men detained at the Mantra were told that they would be moving to another undisclosed location. The conclusion of the contract with the hotel has the Department of Home Affairs considering its options, and all are bound to aggravate the distress of the detainees.
Alison Battinson of Human Rights for All has a suggestion bound to be ignored. “Instead of telling the gentlemen that they are going to be moved to another place of detention – that hasn’t been disclosed to them – the more sensible approach would be to release them as per the law.”
The only ray of compassion in this mess of inhumanity has come in the form of a Canadian resettlement scheme. Nine refugees have already availed themselves of the opportunity; another twenty await their fate. Australian politicians, as they so often do on this subject, are nowhere to be found.
Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge. He lectures at RMIT University, Melbourne. Email: bkampmark@gmail.com
From CounterPunch 14 December 2020
Julian Assange: COVID Risks and Campaigns for Pardon
by Binoy Kampmark
Before the January 4 ruling of District Judge Vanessa Baraitser in the extradition case of Julian Assange, the WikiLeaks publisher will continue to endure the ordeal of cold prison facilities while being menaced by a COVID-19 outbreak. From November 18, Assange, along with inmates in House Block 1 at Belmarsh prison in south-east London, were placed in lockdown conditions. The measure was imposed after three COVID-19 cases were discovered.
The response was even more draconian than usual. Exercise was halted; showers prohibited. Meals were to be provided directly to the prisoner’s cell. Prison officials described the approach as a safety precaution. “We’ve introduced further safety measures following a number of positive cases,” stated a Prison Service spokesperson.
Assange’s time at Belmarsh is emblematic of a broadly grotesque approach which has been legitimised by the national security establishment. The pandemic has presented another opportunity to knock him off, if only by less obvious means. The refusal of Judge Baraitser to grant him bail, enabling him to prepare his case in conditions of guarded, if relative safety, typifies this approach. “Every day that passes is a serious risk to Julian,” explains his partner, Stella Moris. “Belmarsh is an extremely dangerous environment where murders and suicides are commonplace.”
Belmarsh already presented itself as a risk to one’s mental bearings prior to the heralding of the novel coronavirus. But galloping COVID-19 infections through Britain’s penal system have added another, potentially lethal consideration. On November 24, Moris revealed that some 54 people in Assange’s house block had been infected with COVID-19. These included inmates and prison staff. “If my son dies from COVID-19,” concluded a distressed Christine Assange, “it will be murder.”
The increasing number of COVID-19 cases in Belmarsh has angered the UN Special Rapporteur on torture, Nils Melzer. On December 7, ten years from the day of Assange’s first arrest, he spoke of concerns that 65 out of approximately 160 inmates had tested positive. “The British authorities initially detained Mr. Assange on the basis of an arrest warrant issued by Sweden in connection with allegations of sexual misconduct that have since been formally dropped due to lack of evidence.” He was currently being “detained for exclusively preventive purposes, to ensure his presence during the ongoing US extradition trial, a proceeding which may well last several years.”
The picture for the rapporteur is unmistakable, ominous and unspeakable. The prolonged suffering of the Australian national, who already nurses pre-existing health conditions, amounts to cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment. Imprisoning Assange was needlessly brutal. “Mr. Assange is not a criminal convict and poses no threat to anyone, so his prolonged solitary confinement in a high security prison is neither necessary nor proportionate and clearly lacks any legal basis.” Melzer suggested immediate decongestion measures for “all inmates whose imprisonment is not absolutely necessary” especially those, “such as Mr Assange, who suffers from a pre-existing respiratory health condition.”
Free speech advocates are also stoking the fire of interest ahead of Baraitser’s judgment. In Salon, Roger Waters, co-founder of Pink Floyd, penned a heartfelt piece wondering what had happened to the fourth estate. “Where is the honest reporting that we all so desperately need, and upon which the very survival of democracy depends?” Never one to beat about the bush, Waters suggested that it was “languishing in Her Majesty’s Prison Belmarsh.” To extradite Assange would “set the dangerous precedent that journalists can be prosecuted merely for working with inside sources, or for publishing information the government deems harmful.” The better alternative: to dismiss the charges against Assange “and cancel the extradition proceedings in the kangaroo court in London.”
In the meantime, a vigorous campaign is being advanced from the barricades of Twitter to encourage President Donald Trump to pardon Assange. Moris stole the lead with her appeal on Thanksgiving. Pictures of sons Max and Gabriel were posted to tingle the commander-in-chief’s tear ducts. “I beg you, please bring him home for Christmas.”
Hawaii congresswoman Tulsi Gabbard has added her name to the Free Assange campaign, directing her pointed wishes to the White House. “Since you’re giving pardons to people,” she declared, “please consider pardoning those who, at great personal sacrifice, exposed the deception and criminality in the deep state.”
Pamela Anderson’s approach was somewhat different and, it should be said, raunchily attuned to her audience. She made no qualms donning a bikini in trying to get the president’s attention. “Bring Julian Assange Home Australia,” went her carried sign, tweeted with a message to Trump to pardon him. Glenn Greenwald, formerly of The Intercept, proved more conventional, niggling Trump about matters of posterity. “By far the most important blow Trump could strike against the abuse of power by CIA, FBI & the Deep State – as well as to impose transparency on them to prevent future abuses – is a pardon of @Snowden & Julian Assange, punished by those corrupt factions for exposing their abuses.” Alan Rusbridger, formerly editor of The Guardian, agrees.
While often coupled with Assange in the pardoning stakes, Edward Snowden has been clear about his wish to see the publisher freed. “Mr. President, if you grant only one act of clemency during your time in office, please: free Julian Assange. You alone can save his life.” As well meant as this is, Trump’s treasury of pardons is bound to be stocked by other options, not least for himself.
Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge. He lectures at RMIT University, Melbourne. Email: bkampmark@gmail.com
ll road users should pay for the roads they use and it is appropriate for electric vehicle (EV) owners to pay their fair share. However, the proposed EV road tax is unfair on several levels (‘‘Pallas zaps electric cars with road charges’’, 22/11).
It fails to account for the benefits of EVs to society, such as reduced health costs attributable to pollution-related illness and costs of mitigation of the effects of climate change. It beggars belief that a state that has just endured a climate emergency-related catastrophe would decide to introduce legislation that would increase the risk. It ignores the fact that the fossil-fuel energy is already subsided to the tune of $1480 for every Australian per year.
It will mean that Victoria will be one of the few places in the world with not only minimal EV incentives but actual disincentives. Without adequate incentives to buy EVs and without stringent fuel efficiency standards, Australia has become a dumping ground for car manufacturers’ least fuel efficient, most polluting models. An EV road tax will only exacerbate this problem.
It would be far better to develop a more equitable system that ensures that all road users pay their fair share, not only of the cost of building and maintaining roads, but of the cost to society based on their choice of vehicle.
Michael Fink, Donvale
A mind-boggling decision
For a government with ambition to tackle pollution and climate change, Tim Pallas’ decision to follow South Australia’s questionable lead and tax electric cars is mind boggling.
Why would you tax the one form of transport technology that can produce zero emissions? The ACT has said it will offer zero interest loans, stamp duty exemptions and two years of free registration for EV buyers, yet in Victoria we plan to place a new tax on not polluting?
Nowhere else in the world (not even Donald Trump’s America) are EVs the subject of a special tax. Our failure to encourage the uptake of EVs means we will be the dumping ground for old polluting cars while manufacturers send their new and cheaper EVs to more welcoming shores. Mr Pallas needs to reconsider this damaging proposal before budget night.
Guy Abrahams, Richmond
We need leaders, not dinosaurs
So Tim Pallas thinks drivers that are not filling up their vehicles with petrol are not paying their way . This would have to go down as one of the most short-sighted political statements in recent memory, perhaps to be quoted in the future as one of the prime examples of misguided policy as climate change stares us in the face.
Drivers of petrol cars (me included) are not paying our share of the costs associated with the emissions they produce. I guess for a short time earlier this decade we were, but Tony Abbott saw that idea off. Sure, electric vehicles can indirectly produce emissions because of the generation source, but because of the high efficiency of electric motors, even a car run on coal-fired power is less polluting than a petrol one. A properly constructed price on carbon-based fuels would account for this.
Australia is set to become the dumping ground for vehicles that car manufacturers cannot sell in advanced markets. Take a look at Volkswagen’s websites for European countries for example – the new electric range is promoted front and centre. Boris Johnson (Conservative, UK) would think the Victorian government is “bonkers”.
We need leaders, not dinosaurs.
Alex Judd, Blackburn North
Compromising a good record
The Andrews government’s move to slap a new tax on electric vehicles is bizarre. While claiming to be a leader on climate action and clean energy, the Victorian Treasurer seems intent on creating barriers to clean technology uptake.
While European countries embrace government incentives for electric vehicles, the Andrews government’s good record on clean energy and climate action is now looking severely compromised.
Unemployment for black South Africans is worse today than before 1994
By Ayal Belling• 12 November 2020
Photo: Flicker
On Thursday, Stats SA released its latest Quarterly Labour Force Survey.
The record numbers of unemployed should send a shock through our system
and compel an immediate reconsideration of our economic policy. The
toll on poor people is now unbearable.
South Africa is literally not working. Thenumbers out on
Thursday suggest that a recovery is barely being staged. At 14.7
million, the number of people employed in the country remains far below
even the disastrously low level of 16.4 million just before Covid-19 hit
South Africa. To put this in perspective, there are 39.2 million people
aged 15 to 64 in the country (the “working age”). Between July and
September of this year, only 37.5% of them were in work. This is barely
more than half the world average.
South Africans, particularly black working-age South Africans, are less employed today than in 1994.
The narrow or strict unemployment
figure sits at 30.8%, the highest on record, exceeding even the first
quarter of 2020 figure of 30.1%. However, this alarming rate does not
capture the full picture. There are still 10% (1.7 million) fewer jobs
in the country than in January to March of this year.
To be classed as strictly unemployed,
you must have actively looked for work over the past month. The number
of people who have completely given up looking for work has increased by
2.7 million since before lockdown.
Only 543,000 jobs have returned to
the market of the 2.2 million lost since April. Informal workers such as
traders, own-account workers, domestic workers and those in
micro-enterprises, who engage in the most survivalist and
entrepreneurial activity in the country, accounted for 292,000 of the
returning jobs. However, as the most financially vulnerable group, there
are sadly still 16% fewer people employed in this way than in the first
three months of 2020.
How unemployment impacts on the poor
Ntsikelelo Msweswe, a 36-year-old volunteer at the Gugulethu branch ofOrganising for Work
(OfW), the unemployed movement I am associated with, says that the
“lockdown came and made things worse for me as I have to sit at home and
wait for NPOs [non-profit organisations] to help us to have food”.
Despite feeling “very helpless”, Msweswe says that, “I would love to do
something for people with criminal records … to share the skills and the
energy I have towards working.”
OfW, which launched in 2018, does
grassroots community organising to alleviate unemployment. It has
branches in some of the highest unemployment areas of Cape Town.Its model is to organise unemployed people to run their own branches that support people in their search for work.
The branches – run for free by
unemployed volunteers in public libraries – also push for better
treatment of jobseekers and act as communal spaces that make searching
for work a little less solitary. They are in a sense free job centres
connecting unemployed of all ages, education levels, abilities and
criminal records directly to employers from where they live.
Msweswe, as well as many other volunteers and members of OfW,has been involved in local organising efforts likeCape Town Together that arose in response to the pandemic. More than ever, government failure in South Africa hasplaced the burden of alleviating poverty and worklessness on individuals.
Thomas Piketty, a French economist
regarded as the world’s foremost expert on inequality, describes South
Africa as an extreme case of an “inequality regime”. In his latest book,Capital and Ideology,
he lays out in detail how inequality regimes around the world result
from choices made by the political classes – choices that are never as
forced by circumstance as they are later portrayed.
Disgracefully, inequality in South
Africa, along with unemployment, has worsened since the end of
apartheid. Piketty, as well as many local economists, will tell you that
the choices made since 1994 were made instead of many other competing
and feasible options. For example, the choice by the ANC in the first
two years of democracy to scrap rather than carry out the Reconstruction
and Development Programme (RDP) – the cornerstone pledge of their 1994
national election campaign – haunts us today.
Fast-forward 26 years and President
Cyril Ramaphosa speaks of an Economic Reconstruction and Recovery Plan
that promises some of the housing, infrastructure and manufacturing of
the RDP. The past two and a half years of his speeches have contained a
relentless recycling of economic plans that are never realised,dead or inadequate.
They make it hard not to see him as anything more than aBaghdad Bob, a farcical character promising victory in the face of catastrophic destruction.
The unemployed members of OfW are best placed to know how empty his words are.
Millicent Kamase, a 39-year-old
member of OfW’s Site B Khayelitsha branch, summarises them well when she
says that his promise of 800,000 public jobs “will never happen. We’ve
been voting for years and are still unemployed.”
Ramaphosa’s recovery plan and
R500-billion stimulus were revealed last month in the National
Treasury’s Medium-Term Budget Policy Statement to be, in reality, a
reduction in spending over the next three years through regressive
austerity. For an excellent summary of the “puffery and confusion” of
Ramaphosa’s plans and Treasury’s defunding of them, read Duma Gqubule’sdetailed and investigative analysis.
What appears not to occur to the president nor to his finance minister, Tito Mboweni, is that there are other options.
For example, a new-money stimulus and
an infrastructure-led jobs programme which actually creates jobs and
builds infrastructure that supports and reaches the poor. Their choice
to go for austerity in the midst of the worst economic crisis since the
Great Depression is the worst of all possible options.
Comparable economies such as Brazil
and poorer ones, such as India, which have higher public debt than South
Africa, have massively increased their spending and debt to cover the
cost of the pandemic.
Not only is the national government’s
approach stalling the South African economy, tax collection and job
creation, but the cost of the pandemic is also being placed
disproportionately on the country’s poor in the form of worklessness, a
reduction in public investment and contraction of basic services in
health and education.
City of Cape Town hoards while people starve
Of course, it is not only failures at
the national level that hold back job creation and make job seeking
even more gruelling, discouraging and unaffordable than it needs to be.
The City of Cape Townapproved its budget
in June this year, during the darkest days of lockdown, retaining
R4.6-billion as surplus in 2020/21, R6.2-billion in 2022/23 and
R5.4-billion in 2023/24.
It is an extreme indictment of the
hypercapitalist, socially aloof city council and its executive not to
direct these funds towards, for example, public employment, township
infrastructure and free public Wi-Fi.
As I write, the city’s public
libraries, virtually the only sites of free public Wi-Fi in poorer areas
and the sites of OfW branches, are still operating unnecessarily
restrictive lockdown policies.
Life was hard before Covid-19 for
unemployed South Africans. The paltry R350 per month that will continue
to reach a minority of those not working until January next year, pales
in comparison to lost income related to the pandemic.
As Mnyamezeli Sibunzi, a 26-year-old
member of OfW’s Langa branch, puts it: “Finding work now is something
that I wish, I even dream about… I’ve never been so broke in my life.” DM/MC
Ayal Belling is a founder of the
unemployed movement Organising for Work. He previously worked in finance
and technology in London and Cape Town. He can be contacted at ayal@ofw.org.za.
Kendall Lovett and Mannie de
Saxe holding the Lesbian and Gay Solidarity banner at an 'Out of Iraq'
rally for peace, Melbourne, 2005, photograph by John Storey, courtesy
Australian Lesbian and Gay Archives.
Article courtesy of Di Minnis and Ken Davis from First Mardi Gras.
Sadly justa few short weeks after turning 98,78er Kendall Lovett has passed away. Ken is survived by his partner of 27 years, Mannie De Saxe.
Ken was a tireless activist and campaigner for LGBTQI, refugee and human rights. Every demonstration that Gay Solidarity Group, later Lesbian and Gay Solidarity, organised from the late 70s onwards had Ken’s placards, banners, slogan vests or people-shaped placards – all inhis distinctive calligraphy.
Ken was a lovely supportive colleague in the Gay Solidarity Group (GSG),which organised the first Mardi Gras and coordinated the massive Drop The Charges campaign that followed.
Ken joined GSG after the first Mardi Gras in 1978, and was arrested in the August demonstration in Taylor Square. Often during Mardi Gras parades and demonstrations, Kendall was waiting on alert with bail money ready. Ken stayed active in GSG, later renamed Lesbian and Gay Solidarity into the 2000s, after he and Mannie moved to Melbourne.
Ken had been active in Gay Liberation after he returned to Sydney from the UK in the late 1960s, and took part in the 1972 demonstration outside St Clement’s Anglican Church at Mosman after they had dismissed Peter Bonsall-Boone from staff. Kendall’s main political activism prior to GSG in 1978 was in a resident actiongroup saving Woolloomooloo from developers, with the support of the Builders’ Labourers Federation Green Bans in the early 1970s.
Ken was very active at the time of the
nationalist bicentenary in 1988, helping organise a big queer contingent
in the First Nations mobilisation, around the slogan “200 years of
oppression and bad taste.” He was involved in Enola Gay, the peace and antinuclear activist group, and founded “Inside Out” a network supporting gay and lesbian prisoners. Ken was one of the people in GSG who was very involved with international solidarity. He sustained a long correspondence with anti-Apartheid gay activist Simon Nkoli when he was in prison in South Africa on treason charges.
In the early 1980s Ken and GSG were active in organising around inclusion of homosexuality in the NSW Anti-Discrimination Act, in demanding removal of the anti-buggery law and in responding to the rise of the Christian Right. Just prior to American Jerry Falwell’s visit in 1982, Kendall and Leigh Raymond registered the name, Moral Majority,and used it to campaign against Fred Nile and Falwell.
Ken also supported the Gaywaves radio program on 2SER FM over many years. He provided a weekly news bulletin – GRINS (Gay Radio Information News Service) – sometimes as a collective effort, but mainly as a one-man band, week in and week out. This was circulated to other lesbian and gay media across the country.
Ken was a key member of the Sydney collective of Gay Community News
(1980-82) and the organising body for the Sixth National Conference of
Lesbians and Homosexual Men in Sydney (1980). He was also a
correspondent to gay newspapers overseas and the International Lesbian
and Gay Association (ILGA).
In October 1982 Ken and GSG supported Roberta
Perkins and the Australian Transsexual Association (ATA), in staging the
first transgender protest in Australia, in Manly. The protest was held
to challenge a judgement against two transwomen, who a Magistrate had
ruled were men. In response the NSW Attorney-General said that
‘Attorneys-General of the six states had committed to new legislation to
recognise the validity of sex changes’.
In 1985 the Sisters of Perpetual
Indulgence canonised him, in recognition of his extensive gay activism,
as St Kendall the Constant.
Kendall formed a relationship with Mannie De Saxe, a revolutionary socialist and Jewish anti-Zionist activist from South Africa, after they met in GSG. Both of them remained active in lesbian and gay, and other social justice,
causes. They volunteered to help people with AIDS, and founded SPAIDS,
which planted a memorial grove of trees in Sydney Park.
After retiring from his job at Choice magazine, Ken moved to Newcastle. Twenty years ago, Ken and Mannie moved to live together in Melbourne and in recent years had practical home support from otheractivists and friends.
Ken and Mannie have been very engaged in the Australian Lesbian and Gay Archives. They
have made big contributions to the struggle to improve services for
older lesbian, transgender and gay people. Ken and Mannie were featured in the “2 of Us” in Good Weekend magazine on March 10, 2007. But they were very angry in 2009 when the government, as part of a path to marriage equality, decided they were a couple and cut their pensions, even though they had been independent tax payers.
Ken and his long-term support for LGBTQI and othersocial change struggles will be sadly missed.
Our condolences to Mannie and to Ken’s many friends.
Kendall Lovett (L) and Mannie De Saxe (R) holding the Lesbian and
Gay Solidarity banner at an 'Out of Iraq' rally for peace, Melbourne,
2005.
Photo by John Story, courtesy Australian Lesbian and Gay Archives.
Vale Kendall Lovett
6.10.1922 – 21.10.2020
A life of activism for social justice
We are sad to report that a few weeks after turning 98, 78er Kendall Lovett has passed away. Ken is survived by his partner of 27 years, Mannie De Saxe.
Ken was a tireless activist and campaigner for LGBTIQ, refugee and human
rights. Every demo from the late '70s onwards had Ken’s placards,
banners, slogan vests or people-shaped placards – all in his distinctive
calligraphy.
Ken was a lovely supportive colleague in the Gay Solidarity Group, which
organised the first Mardi Gras and coordinated the massive Drop the
Charges campaign that followed.
Ken joined GSG after the first Mardi Gras in 1978, and was arrested in
the August demonstration in Taylor Square. Often during Mardi Gras
parades and demonstrations, Kendall was waiting on alert with bail money
ready. Ken stayed active in GSG, later renamed Lesbian and Gay
Solidarity into the 2000s, after he and Mannie moved to Melbourne.
Ken had been active in Gay Liberation after he returned to Sydney from
the UK in the late 1960s, where he was part of the move for homosexual
law reform. He took part in the 1972 demonstration outside St Clement’s
Anglican Church at Mosman after they had dismissed Peter Bonsall-Boone
from staff. Kendall’s main political activism prior to GSG in 1978 was
in a resident action group saving Woolloomooloo from developers, with
the support of the Builders’ Labourers Federation Green Bans in the
early 1970s.
Ken was very active at the time of the nationalist bicentenary in 1988,
helping organise a big queer contingent in the First Nations
mobilisation, around the slogan “200 years of oppression and bad taste.”
He was involved in Enola Gay, the peace and antinuclear activist group,
and founded “Inside Out” a network supporting gay and lesbian
prisoners. Ken was one of the people in GSG who was very involved with
international solidarity. He sustained a long correspondence with
anti-Apartheid gay activist Simon Nkoli when he was in prison in South
Africa on treason charges.
In the early 1980s Ken and GSG were active in organising around
inclusion of homosexuality in the NSW Anti-Discrimination Act, in
demanding removal of the anti-buggery law and in responding to the rise
of the Christian Right. Just prior to American Jerry Falwell’s visit in
1982, Kendall and Leigh Raymond registered the name, Moral Majority, and
used it to campaign against Fred Nile and Falwell.
Ken also supported the Gaywaves radio program on 2SER FM over many
years. He provided a weekly news bulletin – GRINS (Gay Radio Information
News Service) – sometimes as a collective effort, but mainly as a
one-man band, week in and week out. This was circulated to other
lesbian and gay media across the country.
Ken was a key member of the Sydney collective of Gay Community News
(1980-82) and the organising body for the Sixth National Conference of
Lesbians and Homosexual Men in Sydney (1980). He was also a
correspondent to gay newspapers overseas and the International Lesbian
and Gay Association (ILGA).
In October 1982 Ken and GSG supported Roberta Perkins and the Australian
Transsexual Association (ATA), in staging the first transgender protest
in Australia, in Manly. The protest was held to challenge a judgement
against two transwomen, who a Magistrate had ruled were men. In response
the NSW Attorney-General said that ‘Attorneys-General of the six states
had committed to new legislation to recognise the validity of sex
changes’.
In 1985 the Sisters of Perpetual Indulgence canonised him, in
recognition of his extensive gay activism, as St Kendall the Constant.
Kendall formed a relationship with Mannie De Saxe, a revolutionary
socialist and Jewish anti-Zionist activist from South Africa, after they
met in GSG. Both of them remained active in lesbian and gay, and other
social justice, causes. They volunteered to help people with AIDS, and
founded SPAIDS, which planted a memorial grove of trees in Sydney Park.
After retiring from his job at Choice magazine, Ken moved to
Newcastle. Twenty years ago, Ken and Mannie moved to live together in
Melbourne and in recent years had practical home support from other
activists and friends.
Ken and Mannie have been very engaged in the Australian Lesbian and Gay
Archives. They have made big contributions to the struggle to improve
services for older lesbian, transgender and gay people. Ken and Mannie
were featured in the “2 of Us” in Good Weekend magazine on 10
March 2007. But they were very angry in 2009 when Social Security, as
part of a path to marriage equality, decided they were a couple and cut
their pensions, even though they had been independent tax payers.
Ken and his long-term support for LGBTIQ and other social change
struggles will be sadly missed. Our condolences to Mannie and to Ken’s
many friends.
- Tribute written by Diane Minnis and Ken Davis, the Co-Chairs of
First Mardi Gras Inc., a community association for 78ers. 78ers.org.au.
Ken Lovett Presente! Immense legacy for all with a passion for justice
Alison Thorne 25 October 2020
Ken
Lovett and Mannie De Saxe marching with the Lesbian and Gay Solidarity
banner at a Melbourne refugee rights rally, 23 June 2002. Photo by
Alison Thorne.
The
world is a better place today, thanks to Kendall Lovett. Ken exuded
enormous energy and creativity as a community campaigner and movement
linchpin who identified with all who are exploited.
Ken
died peacefully at home in Melbourne, where he lived with his partner
of 27 years, Mannie De Saxe. He was 98 and remained active until the
end, responding to emails and sharing political news.
My
earliest memories of Ken were in 1980. I’d travelled to Sydney to
participate in the 6th National Homosexual Conference, which Ken helped
organise. He was living in a small townhouse in the inner suburb of
Woolloomooloo. His home also housed boxes of material, carefully
organised for archiving — a lifelong tradition, which the Australian
Lesbian and Gay Archives will long thank him for.
Ken
was proud of his working class community. He’d been an activist with
Residents of Woolloomooloo (ROW), which won the crucial support of the
Builders Labourers Federation. A green ban, in place for two years, from
1973 til 1975, prevented the suburb from being bulldozed, gentrified
and replaced with skyscrapers.
The
‘70s was an explosive period for Gay Liberation. Ken was in the thick
of it from the get-go. After the arrests at the first Mardi Gras in
1978, Ken joined Gay Solidarity Group (GSG). He was arrested during the
tumultuous campaign to drop the charges, which followed. The movement in
this period was militant, liberationist and multi-issue. This was
reflected in the refrain that rang out through the streets of
Darlinghurst to “stop police attacks, on gays, workers, women and
blacks.”
Ken was renowned for his banners which always had a bold message. Photo by Debbie Brennan.
GSG
drew the connections between LGBTIQ oppression and the struggles of all
the oppressed — this solidarity was at the core of Ken’s activism. He
was a voluminous letter writer. This included writing to gay prisoners,
through the prisoner support group, Inside Out. Ken had a long
correspondence with Tseko Simon Nkoli — the Black, gay, anti-apartheid
activist who was diagnosed with HIV while in jail on treason charges.
Nkoli became internationally known in the ‘90s when he went public about
his sexuality and HIV status at a time when the stigma in South Africa
was immense.
Ken’s
commitment to challenging racism ran deep. He joined many marches to
stop Aboriginal deaths in custody. In 1988, he rejected the gross
nationalistic jingoism and joined up with Gays Against The Bicentenary.
On January 26, “Invasion Day,” First Nations people from across the
continent led the 40,000-strong March for Justice, Freedom, and Hope.
Marching alongside Ken and the huge queer contingent with my FSP
Comrades is one of my enduring memories.
In 1993, after Ken retired from his job with the consumer advocacy magazine, Choice,
he moved to Newcastle. Then early this century, Ken relocated with
Mannie to Melbourne. He had met Mannie, a socialist and anti-Zionist
Jew, through GSG. In Melbourne the pair continued organising, carrying
on the traditions of marching against war, in support of Palestine and
for refugee rights. Ken made many unique banners, signs and a host of
innovative protest artefacts. He was also a prodigious photographer. In
the days before digital photography, when documenting rallies was more
costly, he captured and carefully labelled many hundreds of photos.
Gay male nuns from the Sydney Order of Perpetual Indulgence at a
Women’s Abortion Action Campaign street march, 7 September 1991. Photo
by Ken Lovett.
As well as
being regularly out on the streets, Ken was also a movement builder,
contributing a great deal behind the scenes. This included community
media. He was part of the Sydney Collective for Gay Community News.
For 10 years, from 1983 to 1993, he produced the Gay Radio Information
News Service (GRINS). He researched and wrote the scripts for this
weekly gay news service — recording the bulletin each week and packaging
and mailing cassette tapes around the country to be played on community
radio stations, including 3CR in Melbourne and 2SER in Sydney.
Ken’s
passion for feminism was legendary. He supported reproductive justice,
frequently challenging anti-choice bigots. He also went nose to nose
against the right wing, embracing many creative tactics. He was part of a
duo that registered the trade mark Moral Majority in Australia ahead of
a visit by Jerry Falwell in the ‘80s. He then designed a selection of
bright yellow Moral Majority ™ stickers declaring support for a pantheon
of radical causes! He also had a long record of protesting the vile
Fred Nile!
He was a
mainstay of the Sydney Park AIDS Memorial Grove (SPAIDS), and after
moving to Melbourne, he helped push Northern Melbourne Institute of TAFE
into re-opening the AIDS Memorial Garden at Fairfield.
Ken Lovett at home in Woolloomooloo in the 80s. Photo by Alison Thorne
Ken
supported the work of the Freedom Socialist Party since our Australian
Section was founded. He was one of the first Australian subscribers to
the Freedom Socialist newspaper and kept his subscription current for almost 40 years. He wrote a piece for the Freedom Socialist Bulletin
about the need to resist discrimination sparked by HIV/AIDS, and we
published many of his photos. Ken never missed donating to our regular
fundraising drives. Ken was always pleased to get behind socialist
projects — the month he died, he and Mannie had a large sign outside
their house, advocating a vote for the socialist candidate in the local
council election.
We
celebrate the life of Ken Lovett as one very well lived. He will be
missed by many, but especially Mannie. His legacy will long continue to
provide inspiration for all who have a passion for justice.
Ninety-eight
years old and Ken Lovett hadn’t stopped! Ever the activist, while
facing terminal cancer, Ken made sure he posted his voting papers for
Victorian Socialists’ candidate Omar Hassan in the 2020 local council
elections. He died just a few days later, politically committed to the
end.
Ken lived through economic
depression, world war, McCarthyism and then the hope of the late 1960s
and early 1970s, when revolutionary struggles swept the world. This life
experience made him a passionate campaigner in the fight against
oppression.
In the mid-1960s, when
living and working in London, he joined the Albany Trust, an
educational, counselling and research organisation that worked alongside
the Homosexual Law Reform Society. Law reform was partially won in the
UK in 1967, but the Albany Trust continued its valuable work.
When Ken returned to
Sydney, he threw himself into the still very new LGBTI+ activism,
joining the lively Homosexual Law Reform group there. In 1972, when
Peter Bonsall-Boone was dismissed by the Church of England after he came
out on ABC TV’s Chequerboard program, Ken joined the rally outside the church. It was to be the first of many protests in Sydney, Newcastle and Melbourne.
When the Sydney suburb of
Woolloomooloo, where Ken lived, came under threat from corrupt and
greedy developers, he co-founded the activist group Residents of
Woolloomooloo. Backed by the New South Wales Builders Labourers
Federation, he was part of the world-famous battle to save this
important working-class suburb. He was also a keen environmentalist and
anti-nuclear activist, joining protests as part of the LGBTI+ Enola Gay
group, named after the US plane that bombed Hiroshima on 6 August 1945.
As the LGBTI+ activist
movement grew, he was involved in groups such as the Gay Solidarity
Group, later Lesbian and Gay Solidarity, which organised the first Mardi
Gras in 1978. Hundreds, including Ken, were arrested in Sydney during
1978 in the demonstrations for gay rights and Ken was heavily involved
in the successful Drop the Charges campaign arising from these protests.
The charges were eventually dropped, but the campaign also won the
right to protest without a permit in New South Wales, a victory not just
for LGBTI+ people, but for everyone.
From 1978, Ken was involved in countless
groups, protests and campaigns, including the Sydney-based Gay Radio
Information News Service in the Gaywaves program on Radio 2SER and the
Gay Community News Sydney Collective. His stand against right-wing
homophobes led him to join the Coalition Against Repression which
organised protests during the visit of British homophobe Mary
Whitehouse.
In the 1980s, he and others campaigned
against another visiting homophobe, this time the US Christian preacher
Jerry Falwell. As his friend Ian McIntyre recalls, they cheekily
registered the name Moral Majority—a name previously associated with
Falwell and other right-wing homophobic, sexist groups. Under that name,
they put out badges, T-shirts, banners, stickers and press releases,
all proclaiming that the Moral Majority supported gay rights, abortion,
women’s and trans’ rights and so on. Ken himself was a strong supporter
of women’s rights.
He was anti-racist and an
internationalist to the core. He had a long-term correspondence with
Black, anti-Apartheid, gay activist Tseko Simon Nkoli after he was
jailed in South Africa on treason charges. Nkoli
became known around the world in the 1990s, when he went public about
his sexuality and HIV status at a time when the stigma in South Africa
was immense.
Ken was also involved with Inside
Out, an Australian gay prisoner support group, and marched to protest
Aboriginal Deaths in Custody. He was part of the big Gays Against the
Bicentenary contingent that joined the tens of thousands in Sydney on 26
January 1988 to protest Invasion Day. Then there was the Gay and
Lesbian Immigration Task Force NSW and Friends of the ABC that he was
involved in, and he was equally committed to Palestinian, refugee,
anti-war and other human rights causes.
In October 1982, Ken and the Gay
Solidarity Group supported Roberta Perkins and the Australian
Transsexual Association in staging the first transgender protest in
Australia. The protest was held to challenge a ruling that two
transwomen were men. In response, the NSW attorney-general gave an
assurance that all states had committed to recognising sex changes.
One of Ken’s abiding causes was
for people with HIV-AIDS, volunteering for and supporting two HIV-AIDS
garden memorials in Sydney Park and the Melbourne suburb of Fairfield.
More recently, and while not
himself wishing to marry, Ken was a strong supporter of the marriage
equality campaign, attending every Melbourne protest he could. He wrote
thousands of letters of protest, submissions to enquiries and often
designed and produced his own banners with his own distinctive writing
style and imaginative slogans.
Twenty-seven years ago, he met
his dearly loved partner Mannie de Saxe, a committed socialist,
anti-Zionist Jewish activist, a South African and fierce opponent of
that country’s apartheid regime. Together, they campaigned for so many
of these and other causes, for equal rights for all, including, more
recently, many contributions to improve services for older lesbian,
transgender and gay people.
We have all lost a committed
fighter for our rights, but one who has enriched the struggle and helped
give us the strength to keep on fighting.
◊
Liz Ross is a socialist activist and historian. She is the author of several books, most recently Stuff the Accord! Pay Up!, available from Red Flag Books.
Vale Kendall Lovett who passed away yesterday at 98. Condolences to Mannie and all others who knew and loved him. As a founding member of the Gay Solidarity Group/Lesbian Gay Solidarity, the Residents of Woolloomooloo Action Group, the Sydney Park AIDS (SPAIDS) Grove project, Gaywaves radio program, Gay Radio Information New Service (GRINS) and others Ken was in the thick of many political and cultural projects and struggles. His fine pen and signwriting skills saw him help create innumerable posters, flyers and banners, an example of which, with him in the middle, can be found below. We became friends about 12 years ago and my family appreciated the beautiful cards he wrote us on behalf of himself and Mannie, often adorned
with photos from the pair’s past.
Ken was one of the loveliest people I’ve had the fortune to know, a true gentle man. When I first met him, he and Mannie were involved in lobbying NMIT to maintain the Fairfield AIDS Memorial Garden that the TAFE had inherited when they took over the former Fairfield hospital site. Although only occasionally attending rallies by that time he kept up letter writing and lobbying work around gay and lesbian rights, seniors issues, environmental causes and more, pretty much up until the end.
I enjoyed hearing his memories of growing up and of gay life from the 1940s onwards. Gay Solidarity Group/Lesbian Gay Solidarity lived up to their name and for decades Ken attended rallies for just about progressive issue imaginable, always with a banner and always out and proud. He had many stories of cheeky and funny actions, including attending a counter-demo against anti-abortionists in 1978 where he carried cardboard cut outs of friends who couldn’t be there. They were subsequently trashed when he and many others were arrested. In the 1980s he was one of a group of radicals who registered themselves as the Moral Majority ahead of a visit from corrupt US evangelist Jerry Falwell. They put out various pro-GLBTIQ, pro-choice and other statements, stickers and t-shirts under the official name. He lived an incredibly full life, some of which is documented on his and Mannie’s website - http://www.josken.net/
Having reported the long, epic ordeal of Julian Assange, John
Pilger gave this address outside the Central Criminal Court in London on
September 7 as the WikiLeaks Editor’s extradition hearing entered its
final stage.
When I first met Julian Assange more than ten years ago, I asked him
why he had started WikiLeaks. He replied: “Transparency and
accountability are moral issues that must be the essence of public life
and journalism.”
I had never heard a publisher or an editor invoke morality in this
way. Assange believes that journalists are the agents of people, not
power: that we, the people, have a right to know about the darkest
secrets of those who claim to act in our name.
If the powerful lie to us, we have the right to know. If they say one
thing in private and the opposite in public, we have the right to know.
If they conspire against us, as Bush and Blair did over Iraq, then
pretend to be democrats, we have the right to know.
It is this morality of purpose that so threatens the collusion of
powers that want to plunge much of the world into war and wants to bury
Julian alive in Trumps fascist America.
In 2008, a top secret US State Department report described in detail
how the United States would combat this new moral threat. A
secretly-directed personal smear campaign against Julian Assange would
lead to “exposure [and] criminal prosecution”.
The aim was to silence and criminalise WikiLeaks and its founder.
Page after page revealed a coming war on a single human being and on the
very principle of freedom of speech and freedom of thought, and
democracy.
The imperial shock troops would be those who called themselves
journalists: the big hitters of the so-called mainstream, especially the
“liberals” who mark and patrol the perimeters of dissent.
And that is what happened. I have been a reporter for more than 50
years and I have never known a smear campaign like it: the fabricated
character assassination of a man who refused to join the club: who
believed journalism was a service to the public, never to those above.
Assange shamed his persecutors. He produced scoop after scoop. He
exposed the fraudulence of wars promoted by the media and the homicidal
nature of America’s wars, the corruption of dictators, the evils of
Guantanamo.
He forced us in the West to look in the mirror. He exposed the
official truth-tellers in the media as collaborators: those I would call
Vichy journalists. None of these imposters believed Assange when he
warned that his life was in danger: that the “sex scandal” in Sweden was
a set up and an American hellhole was the ultimate destination. And he
was right, and repeatedly right.
The extradition hearing in London this week is the final act of an
Anglo-American campaign to bury Julian Assange. It is not due process.
It is due revenge. The American indictment is clearly rigged, a
demonstrable sham. So far, the hearings have been reminiscent of their
Stalinist equivalents during the Cold War.
Today, the land that gave us Magna Carta, Great Britain, is
distinguished by the abandonment of its own sovereignty in allowing a
malign foreign power to manipulate justice and by the vicious
psychological torture of Julian – a form of torture, as Nils Melzer, the
UN expert has pointed out, that was refined by the Nazis because it was
most effective in breaking its victims.
Every time I have visited Assange in Belmarsh prison, I have seen the
effects of this torture. When I last saw him, he had lost more than 10
kilos in weight; his arms had no muscle. Incredibly, his wicked sense of
humor was intact.
As for Assange’s homeland, Australia has displayed only a cringeing
cowardice as its government has secretly conspired against its own
citizen who ought to be celebrated as a national hero. Not for nothing
did George W. Bush anoint the Australian prime minister his “deputy
sheriff”.
It is said that whatever happens to Julian Assange in the next three
weeks will diminish if not destroy freedom of the press in the West. But
which press? The Guardian? The BBC, The New York Times, the Jeff Bezos Washington Post?
No, the journalists in these organisations can breathe freely. The Judases on the Guardian who
flirted with Julian, exploited his landmark work, made their pile then
betrayed him, have nothing to fear. They are safe because they are
needed.
Freedom of the press now rests with the honourable few: the
exceptions, the dissidents on the internet who belong to no club, who
are neither rich nor laden with Pulitzers, but produce fine,
disobedient, moral journalism – those like Julian Assange.
Meanwhile, it is our responsibility to stand by a true journalist
whose sheer courage ought to be inspiration to all of us who still
believe that freedom is possible. I salute him.