13 May 2021

WORSE THAN THE DREYFUSS AFFAIR: THE PERSECUTION OF JULIAN ASSANGE

12 May 2021
Worse Than the Dreyfuss Affair: the Persecution of Julian Assange
by Alfred de Zayas
Drawing by Nathaniel St. Clair

It may appear unnecessary to repeat the truism that democracy depends on transparency and accountability, and yet, how often has the democratic order been betrayed by our leaders in the recent past? How often have the media abandoned their watchdog function, how often have they simply accepted the role of an echo-chamber for the powerful, whether government or transnational corporations?

Among the many scandals and betrayals of democracy and the rule of law we recognize the persecution of inconvenient journalists by governments and their helpers in the media. Perhaps the most scandalous and immoral example of the multinational corruption of the rule of law is the “lawfare” conducted against Julian Assange, the founder of Wikileaks, who in the year 2010 uncovered war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by the United States and its NATO allies in Afghanistan and Iraq.

In a world where the rule of law matters, these war crimes would have been promptly investigated, indictments would have been issued in the countries concerned. But no, the ire of the governments and the media focused instead on the journalist who had dared to uncover these crimes. The persecution of this journalist was a coordinated assault on the rule of law by the United States, United Kingdom and Sweden, later joined by Ecuador. The instrumentalization of the administration of justice – not for purposes of doing justice, but to destroy a human being pulled more and more people into a joint-criminal conspiracy of defamation, trumped-up charges, investigations without indictment, deliberate delays and covers-up.

In April 2021 my colleague, Professor Nils Melzer, the UN Rapporteur on torture, published a meticulously researched and methodically unassailable documentation of this almost incredible saga. His book, The Case of Julian Assange (Piper Verlag, München 2021), can well be called the “J’accuse” of our time, reminding us how our authorities have betrayed us, how four governments colluded in the corruption of the rule of law. Like Emile Zola, who in 1898 exposed the web of lies surrounding the scandalous judicial framing of the French Colonel Alfred Dreyfuss in France, Nils Melzer shocks us 122 years later with proof of how countries that are ostensibly committed to the rule of law and human rights can betray the democratic ethos with the complicity of the mainstream media. Melzer writes about “concrete evidence of political persecution, gross arbitrariness on the part of the administration of justice and deliberate torture and abuse.”

This is an enormously important book because it requires us to abandon our “comfort zone” and demand transparency and accountability from our governments. Indeed, it is scandalous that none of the four governments involved in the frame-up cooperated with Professor Melzer and only answered with “political platitudes.” Me too, I experienced the same lack of cooperation from powerful countries to whom I addressed notes verbales concerning violations of human rights – none of them responded satisfactorily.

Melzer reminds us of Hans-Christian Andersen’s fable “The Emperor’s new clothes”. Indeed, everyone involved in the Assange frame-up consistently maintains the illusion of legality and repeats the same untruths, until an observer says – but the emperor has no clothes! That is the point. Our administration of justice has no clothes and instead of advancing justice, it colludes in the persecution of a journalist, with all the implications that this behaviour has for the survival of the democratic order.

Melzer convinces us with facts that we are living in a time of “post-truth”, and that it is our responsibility to correct this situation now, lest we wake up in a tyranny.

Alfred de Zayas is a professor at the Geneva School of Diplomacy and served as a UN Independent Expert on the Promotion of a Democratic and Equitable International Order 2012-18.

08 May 2021

PALESTINE'S MOMENT OF RECKONING: ON ABBAS' DANGEROUS DECISION TO 'POSTPONE' ELECTIONS

7 May 2021


Palestine’s Moment of Reckoning: On Abbas’ Dangerous Decision to ‘Postpone’ Elections


by Ramzy Baroud

Photograph Source: U.S. Department of State – Public Domain

The decision on April 30 by Palestinian Authority President, Mahmoud Abbas, to ‘postpone’ Palestinian elections, which would have been the first in 15 years, will deepen Palestinian division and could, potentially, signal the collapse of the Fatah Movement, at least in its current form.

Unlike the last Palestinian parliamentary elections in 2006, the big story, this time, was not the Fatah-Hamas rivalry. Many rounds of talks in recent months between representatives of Palestine’s two largest political parties had already sorted out much of the details regarding the now-canceled elections, which were scheduled to begin on May 22.

Both Fatah and Hamas have much to gain from the elections; the former relished the opportunity to restore its long-dissipated legitimacy as it has ruled over occupied Palestinians, through its dominance of the Palestinian Authority, with no democratic mandate whatsoever; Hamas, on the other hand, was desperate to break away from its long and painful isolation as exemplified in the Israeli siege on Gaza, which ironically resulted from its victory in the 2006 elections.

It was not Israeli and American pressure, either, that made Abbas betray the collective wishes of a whole nation. This pressure coming from Tel Aviv and Washington was real and widely reported, but must have also been expected. Moreover, Abbas could have easily circumvented them as his election decree, announced last January, was welcomed by Palestinians and praised by much of the international community.

Abbas’ unfortunate but, frankly, expected decision was justified by the 86-year-old leader as one which is compelled by Israel’s refusal to allow Palestinians in Jerusalem from taking part in the elections. Abbas’ explanation, however, is a mere fig leaf aimed at masking his fear of losing power with Israel’s routine obstinacy. But since when do occupied people beg their occupiers to practice their democratic rights? Since when have Palestinians sought permission from Israel to assert any form of political sovereignty in occupied East Jerusalem?

Indeed, the battle for Palestinian rights in Jerusalem takes place on a daily basis in the alleyways of the captive city. Jerusalemites are targeted in every facet of their existence, as Israeli restrictions make it nearly impossible for them to live a normal life, neither in the way they build, work, study and travel nor even marry and worship. So it would be mind-boggling if Abbas was truly sincere that he had, indeed, expected Israeli authorities to allow Palestinians in the occupied city easy access to polling stations and to exercise their political right, while those same authorities labor to erase any semblance of Palestinian political life, even mere physical presence, in Jerusalem.

The truth is Abbas canceled the elections because all credible public opinion polls showed that the May vote would have decimated the ruling clique of his Fatah party, and would have ushered in a whole new political configuration, one in which his Fatah rivals, Marwan Barghouti and Nasser al-Qudwa would have emerged as the new leaders of Fatah. If this scenario were to occur, a whole class of Palestinian millionaires who turned the Palestinian struggle into a lucrative industry, generously financed by ‘donor countries’, risk losing everything, in favor of uncharted political territories, controlled by a Palestinian prisoner, Marwan Barghouti, from his Israeli prison cell.

Worse for Abbas, Barghouti could have potentially become the new Palestinian president, as he was expected to compete in the July presidential elections. Bad for Abbas, but good for Palestinians, as Barghouti’s presidency would have proven crucial for Palestinian national unity and even international solidarity. An imprisoned Palestinian president would have been a PR disaster for Israel. Equally, it would have confronted the low-profile American diplomacy under Secretary of State, Antony Blinken, with an unprecedented challenge: How could Washington continue to preach a ‘peace process’ between Israel and the Palestinians, when the latter’s president languishes in solitary confinement, as he has since 2002?

By effectively canceling the elections, Abbas, his benefactors and supporters were hoping to delay a moment of reckoning within the Fatah Movement – in fact, within the Palestinian body politic as a whole. However, the decision is likely to have far more serious repercussions on Fatah and Palestinian politics than if the elections took place. Why?

Since Abbas’ election decree earlier this year, 36 lists have registered with the Palestinian Central Elections Commission. While Islamist and socialist parties prepared to run with unified lists, Fatah disintegrated. Aside from the official Fatah list, which is close to Abbas, two other non-official lists, ‘Freedom’ and ‘Future’, planned to compete. Various polls showed that the ‘Freedom’ list, led by late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat’s nephew, Nasser al-Qudwa, and Marwan Barghouti’s wife, Fadwa, headed for an election upset, and were on their way to ousting Abbas and his shrinking, though influential circle.

Yet, none of this is likely to go away simply because Abbas reneged on his commitment to restoring a semblance of Palestinian democracy. A whole new political class in Palestine is now defining itself through its allegiances to various lists, parties and leaders. The mass of Fatah supporters that were mentally ready to break away from the dominance of Abbas will not relent easily, simply because the aging leader has changed his mind. In fact, throughout Palestine, an unparalleled discussion on democracy, representation and the need to move forward beyond Abbas and his haphazard, self-serving politics is currently taking place and is impossible to contain. For the first time in many years, the conversation is no longer confined to Hamas vs. Fatah, Ramallah vs. Gaza or any other such demoralizing classifications. This is a major step in the right direction.

There is nothing that Abbas can say or do at this point to restore the people’s confidence in his authority. Arguably, he never had their confidence in the first place. By canceling the elections, he has crossed a red line that should have never been crossed, thus placing himself and few others around him as enemies of the Palestinian people, their democratic aspirations and their hope for a better future.


Ramzy Baroud is a journalist and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of five books. His latest is “These Chains Will Be Broken: Palestinian Stories of Struggle and Defiance in Israeli Prisons” (Clarity Press, Atlanta). Dr. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA), Istanbul Zaim University (IZU). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net

05 March 2021

STAND IN SOLIDARITY WITH KEN LOACH: AGAINST THE ISRAEL LOBBY'S SMEAR CAMPAIGN

Stand in Solidarity with Ken Loach: against the Israel lobby’s smear campaign
Arena Online
Gavin Lewis
4 Mar 2021

Ken Loach is one of Britain’s most revered and successful film-makers. His work Kes (1969), depicting the poetics and deprivation of northern English working-class life, was voted the seventh greatest British film of the twentieth century in a poll by the British Film Institute. He has twice won the Palme d’Or at the Cannes Film Festival, for The Wind That Shakes the Barley (2006) and I, Daniel Blake (2016)—only eight other film-makers have won this many times. Uniquely, he has entwined his film aesthetics with an agenda of standing up for the oppressed, speaking truth to power, and revisiting histories that are uncomfortable for the political establishment.

His television plays Up the Junction (1965) and Cathy Come Home (1966), and his film Poor Cow (1967) caused national debate about housing provision, social deprivation and lone motherhood. He has also directed numerous television plays in support of trade unionism, of which The Big Flame (1969), The Rank and File (1971) and The Price of Coal (1977) are indicative. He raised the issue of mental health provision and methods in his television play In Two Minds (1967).

In 1990 he risked and subsequently received a battering from the establishment media for representing British state terrorism and assassination of Irish Catholics in the north of Ireland in his film Hidden Agenda. Loach’s Land and Freedom (1995) recalls the fight against fascism in Spain, and Carla’s Song (1996) raised the issue of the US-sponsored Contra insurgency in Nicaragua against the country’s legitimate government. Loach’s solitary US-based film Bread and Roses (2000) represented the ‘Justice for Janitors’ campaign of the Service Employees International Union (SEIU). Of his two Palme d’Or winners, The Wind That Shakes the Barley (2006) revisited the compromises of the Irish struggle against the British, and I, Daniel Blake (2016) confronted the horrors of the UK welfare system.

This list of films is not even Loach’s entire portfolio. So you would think his reputation would be beyond question.

Yet in February 2021 the Master of St Peter’s College, Oxford, Judith Buchanan, apologised to Jewish students for offering a speaking invitation to Loach, who is one of its alumni, a veteran film-maker, a globally respected human rights activist, and a champion of socialist human solidarity. This apology was made on the basis of smears that alleged that Loach was anti-Semitic, raised via the post–Gaza bombing, pro-Israel, media moral panic.

As he is an advocate for Palestinians, this wasn’t Loach’s first smear in the years following the bombing. In 2017 the Guardian’s Zionist editor of opinion, Jonathan Freedland, made similar unsubstantiated allegations of Loach’s supposed anti-Semitism in his column. Indicative of the one-sided media manipulation at work, Loach’s demand for equivalent space for a traditional right of reply was denied, forcing him to make his rebuttal on the anti-racist Jewish Voice for Labour website. As the St Peter’s College incident demonstrates, the Israel lobby is now attempting to chase him from event to event. The attacks on Loach and many others were part of a broader campaign to invert the status of victims and aggressors: according to the UN the 2014 bombardment of Gaza consisted of 6000 air strikes, 14,500 tank shells and 45,000 artillery shells deployed between 7 July and 26 August, killing 2252 Palestinians, of whom 551 were children. The hysteria unleashed by this status-inverting campaign has resulted in threats and abuse at the launch of the book Bad News for Labour by academics Greg Philo, Mike Berry, Justin Schlosberg, Antony Lerman and David Miller, and a bomb threat at a venue screening WitchHunt, a film about activist Jackie Walker. The pro-Palestinian Jewish Voice for Labour group has also complained about assaults and bomb threats.

Ken Loach’s history as a human rights activist is difficult to stain, and the Israel lobby certainly doesn’t want to mention Palestinians, so it has been citing Perdition. Loach, along with his long-term collaborator Jim Allen, were involved in this 1987 play that was controversially unproduced after being slammed by the Israel lobby. Perdition was inspired by an actual trial, the theme of the play is collusion between Zionists and Nazis.[1] A similar assertion about this type of collusion brought down the career of socialist, pro-LGBTQ , pro-multicultural politician Ken Livingstone, who was subjected to McCarthyite smears after he cited Lenni Brenner’s Zionism in the Age of the Dictators on the topic.

The only critical observations made by Jewish historian Norman Finkelstein were that:

‘Livingstone maybe wasn’t precise enough, and lacked nuance… Livingstone is more or less accurate about this—or, as accurate as might be expected from a politician speaking off the cuff’.
Norman Finkelstein

In simple terms, the Nazis wanted Jews out of Germany, and for many decades prior to the Nazi era Zionists had sought to exploit an external ethnic colonialism that would be exclusive to themselves. It was therefore inevitable in the early days of the Nazi regime that there would be attempts to establish to what extent these agendas were politically compatible.[2] Examples of collusion beyond those mentioned by Livingstone or in Perdition are not that hard to find, such as the Zionist ‘terrorist’ Avraham Stern of the Lehi/Stern Gang, who while fighting the British in Palestine sought a strategic allegiance with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy.[3]

In essence the McCarthyite attacks on Ken Loach have two functions. By smearing him the Israel lobby takes a prominent pro-Palestinian human rights activist out of public debate. As in the Livingstone case, this line of attack also seals off media references to part of Zionism’s roots in what Finkelstein describes as a ‘dark chapter in history’.

Loach’s solidarity with the oppressed is not a pose or a means of marketing his work and personality. In 2012 he turned down an award from the Torino Film Festival after cleaning and security services were outsourced at its National Museum of Cinema. In 1995, casualisation was introduced on the Liverpool docks and workers were sacked for refusing to cross a picket line. Loach donated his services to them, making the film The Flickering Flame (1996) about their plight and representing their strike.[4] In 2010 Loach both refused to enter and publicly condemned a Manchester art-house cinema for refusing to pay the living wage. He enlisted film-maker Mike Leigh in the same publicity campaign. Occasions like this are too numerous to list in their entirety here, but they are how Loach lives his life.

Ken Loach is currently being smeared by propagandists for colonial oppression who clearly either individually or as an institutional lobby fail to measure up to the merits of his character. If those who share Loach’s values fail to overcome the McCarthyism that is abroad by mobilising traditional politics of solidarity, then all of us should be fearful of potential similar persecution.

[1] The play, which owed much to the trial of Dr Rudolf Kastner in Israel in 1953, explored the extent to which Zionism, as a nationalist tendency, found accommodations with fascism as a means towards building an Israeli state in Palestine… the play is ‘quite explicit on the difference between Zionism and Judaism, anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism’, and ‘bristles with the agonies of the Holocaust, agonies which some of the play’s wilder critics in 1987 would have had one believe (writer Jim) Allen was denying’ (source).

[2] ‘As a practical matter, the Zionists and Nazis could therefore find a degree of common ground around the emigration/expulsion of Jews to Palestine.’ – Finkelstein.

[3] ‘[H]e offered the Germans that “Lehi” would fight on their side against the British and, in return, Germany would send off Jews from Europe to Palestine, where they would found their own country.’ (source); ‘Doubting the Allies could win the war, he advocated an alliance with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, believing these ties would assist the nationalist effort in Eretz-Israel.’ (source).

[4] ‘Several contemporary reviewers noted that this documentary couldn’t have been made were it not for Ken Loach and his reputation. Loach was able to provide the dockers with an opportunity to speak for themselves that had previously been largely denied to them in the British media.’ (source).

28 February 2021

LAWRENCE FERLINGHETTI, AMERICAN POET, BOOKSTORE OWNER, PUBLISHER, AND INTELLECTUAL FREEDOM FIGHTER

Beat movement’


By J Brooks Spector• 25 February 2021
Lawrence Ferlinghetti. (Photo: Flickr)

Lawrence Ferlinghetti, American poet, bookstore owner, publisher, and intellectual freedom fighter died at the age of 101 on 22 February after a long, influential and personally creative life.


San Francisco’s informal poet laureate, Lawrence Ferlinghetti, died this week at the age of 101. Yes, 101. He had been around so long that he while he had been a kind of spiritual leader for the “Beat poets” of the 1950s and ’60s, he often preferred to describe himself as one of the last of the bohemians from an earlier age, rather than one of those Beat poets he had done so much to support. Perhaps he saw himself sipping absinthe in the Les Deux Magots in Paris with his fellow bohemian writers and artists, with other US expatriate writers looking on from a nearby table, and maybe EE Cummings, or even Walt Whitman watching with interest.<.p>

Describing Ferlinghetti’s unease with being pigeon-holed so easily as a leading light of the Beat generation, The Guardian noted Ferlinghetti said he “disliked being associated with the Beats, though he benefited from it and, despite his love of Ginsberg, was apt to lament the commercialisation of the Beat Generation. Ginsberg, he said, ‘fabricated the whole thing out of his imagination’. But, happily contradicting himself, he could add, as late as 1996, ‘It’s still the only rebellion around’.”

But commenting on Ferlinghetti’s impact on US literature and society, The New York Times summed up his life, saying, “The spiritual godfather of the Beat movement, Mr. Ferlinghetti made his home base in the modest independent book haven now formally known as City Lights Booksellers & Publishers. A self-described ‘literary meeting place’ founded in 1953 and located on the border of the city’s sometimes swank, sometimes seedy North Beach neighborhood, City Lights, on Columbus Avenue, soon became as much a part of the San Francisco scene as the Golden Gate Bridge or Fisherman’s Wharf. (The city’s board of supervisors designated it a historic landmark in 2001.)

“While older and not a practitioner of their freewheeling personal style, Mr. Ferlinghetti befriended, published and championed many of the major Beat poets, among them Allen Ginsberg, Gregory Corso and Michael McClure, who died in May. His connection to their work was exemplified — and cemented — in 1956 with his publication of Ginsberg’s most famous poem, the ribald and revolutionary ‘Howl,’ an act that led to Mr. Ferlinghetti’s arrest on charges of ‘willfully and lewdly’ printing ‘indecent writings.’

“In a significant First Amendment decision, he was acquitted, and ‘Howl’ became one of the 20th century’s best-known poems. (The trial was the centerpiece of the 2010 film ‘Howl,’ in which James Franco played Ginsberg and Andrew Rogers played Mr. Ferlinghetti.)”

To describe his political feelings, Ferlinghetti could point to his personal support for aspects of left ideas, right along with a sometimes-idiosyncratic, anarchic vision, all coupled with his intolerance for any regulation of free expression.

As The Guardian noted, “Ferlinghetti expressed disappointment in other Beat writers for their unstructured approach to politics. He decided to travel to Cuba to see the Castro regime for himself and later wrote One Thousand Words for Fidel Castro, which ends, ‘Fidel … I give you my sprig of laurel.’ Another political poem evoked a surrealistic scene by Goya, showing ‘freeways 50 lanes wide’, with ‘fewer tumbrils / but more maimed citizens / in painted cars’. In 2012 he declined an award from the Hungarian Pen club, in protest at the policies of the prime minister, Viktor Orbán.”

Talking with my wife, I was somewhat surprised to learn that Ferlinghetti’s fascination with Goya’s horrific images through poems with lines like:

“In Goya’s greatest scenes we seem to see
the people of the world
exactly at the moment when
they first attained the title of
‘suffering humanity’…”

had sometimes had a deep effect on artistically inclined young black South Africans back in the 1960s. Ferlinghetti would almost certainly have been pleased to have learnt that bit of information. Lawrence Ferlinghetti at Caffe Trieste, in 2012. (Photo: Flickr / Christopher Michel)

Ferlinghetti’s place in literature remains secure through his own free-form, multi-layered, allusion-filled, often-sensual ballads. But there was also his creation of the legendary City Lights Bookstore and the pathbreaking New Directions Publishers, with its vastly popular, still-ongoing, “Pocket Poets” series. And Ferlinghetti was also a prolific painter with a kind of expressionism that drew on the names of poets and their works.

His successful defence of his publishing and distributing Allen Ginsberg’s Howl and Other Poems against obscenity charges became a major milestone in defence of free speech and freedom of the press in the US and made him a nationally recognised figure back in the 1950s.

Ferlinghetti had a difficult upbringing. His father died at about the time of his birth, his mother, unable to care for their large brood of young children, passed him along to an aunt, who then emigrated back to France where he was raised for years, until they returned to the US. By that point, French had actually become his first language. His aunt then passed him along to the family where she had been working as a maid, for them to care for the young Ferlinghetti. When he entered university, he selected the University of North Carolina because that was where novelist Thomas Wolfe, whose work he now idolised, had also studied.

After combat service in the navy during World War II in both the Pacific and European theatres of war, he returned home to do an MA at Columbia. Then it was back to France, to the Sorbonne, for a PhD where his thesis was on the symbolism of the city of light as a character in literature.

His return thereafter to the US in the early 1950s carried him to California where he took up residence in San Francisco’s North Beach, back then, largely a working class, predominantly Italian-American neighbourhood. Soon Ferlinghetti was busy establishing his bookstore and publishing company, New Directions. The original business plan called for only the stocking of paperback books (then still a new approach to publishing) to make the store’s stock more easily accessible to readers. It was, in fact, the first bookstore in the country to take that approach. Ferlinghetti had signs put up encouraging browsers to take their time and read books in the store if they wished to, thereby turning book buying into an experience rather than a simple purchasing pit stop.

That bookstore, and a group of art galleries in the city soon became gathering points for poets, musicians, other writers, and would-be writers, where live readings became an increasingly important part of the avant garde cultural life of the city. Within just a few years, New Directions was carrying an authors’ list that included authors such as Charles Baudelaire, Jorge Luis Borges, Gregory Corso, Gustave Flaubert, André Gide, Hermann Hesse, Christopher Isherwood, James Joyce, Franz Kafka, Denise Levertov, Carson McCullers, Ezra Pound, Henry Miller, Boris Pasternak, Arthur Rimbaud, Kenneth Patchen, William Carlos Williams, and the Buddha, among numerous others.

Staking his claim to the power of poetry, Ferlinghetti had written on the back cover of his vastly popular volume, “A Coney Island of the Mind”, (my own well-thumbed copy was purchased way back in the mid-1960s while I was still in high school), “The printing press has made poetry so silent that we’ve forgotten the power of poetry as oral messages. The sound of the streetsinger and the Salvation Army speaker is not to be scorned.” The impact of public readings on their audiences by poets like Yevgeny Yevtushenko in the Soviet Union or South Africa’s Sipho Sepamla, Wally Serote, and Oswald Mtshali could similarly imbue much of the same power to their words recited to eager audiences.

A number of Ferlinghetti’s own books of poetry were sold with vinyl recordings of him reading his own works, such as one of his most frequently enjoyed, popular works, Underwear.

Or in the printed version:

Underwear
by Lawrence Ferlinghetti

I didn’t get much sleep last night
thinking about underwear
Have you ever stopped to consider
underwear in the abstract
When you really dig into it
some shocking problems are raised
Underwear is something
we all have to deal with
Everyone wears
some kind of underwear
The Pope wears underwear I hope
The Governor of Louisiana
wears underwear
I saw him on TV
He must have had tight underwear
He squirmed a lot
Underwear can really get you in a bind
You have seen the underwear ads
for men and women
so alike but so different
Women’s underwear holds things up
Men’s underwear holds things down
Underwear is one thing
men and women have in common
Underwear is all we have between us
You have seen the three-color pictures
with crotches encircled
to show the areas of extra strength
and three-way stretch
promising full freedom of action
Don’t be deceived
It’s all based on the two-party system
which doesn’t allow much freedom of choice
the way things are set up
America in its Underwear
struggles thru the night
Underwear controls everything in the end
Take foundation garments for instance
They are really fascist forms
of underground government
making people believe
something but the truth
telling you what you can or can’t do
Did you ever try to get around a girdle
Perhaps Non-Violent Action
is the only answer
Did Gandhi wear a girdle?
Did Lady Macbeth wear a girdle?
Was that why Macbeth murdered sleep?
And that spot she was always rubbing—
Was it really in her underwear?
Modern anglosaxon ladies
must have huge guilt complexes
always washing and washing and washing
Out damned spot
Underwear with spots very suspicious
Underwear with bulges very shocking
Underwear on clothesline a great flag of freedom
Someone has escaped his Underwear
May be naked somewhere
Help!
But don’t worry
Everybody’s still hung up in it
There won’t be no real revolution
And poetry still the underwear of the soul
And underwear still covering
a multitude of faults
in the geological sense—
strange sedimentary stones, inscrutable cracks!
If I were you I’d keep aside
an oversize pair of winter underwear
Do not go naked into that good night
And in the meantime
keep calm and warm and dry
No use stirring ourselves up prematurely
‘over Nothing’
Move forward with dignity
hand in vest
Don’t get emotional
And death shall have no dominion
There’s plenty of time my darling
Are we not still young and easy
Don’t shout

This writer has loved that poem since he first read it back in the early 1960s, savouring the conjoining of humour, political satire, acid-tipped social criticism, and the use of rhythm and references to other well-known works.

Discussing Ferlinghetti’s poetry, The Guardian explained that the writer’s “own poetry is irreverent, cajoling, casual and loose-limbed, sometimes excessively so; his models were Whitman and William Carlos Williams. In partnership with [another contemporary, poet Philip] Rexroth, he took part in many poetry and jazz events on the West Coast, and the two made a record together. However, he later became disillusioned with the poetry and jazz combination – ‘The poet ended up sounding like he was hawking fish from a street corner,’ he said. His verse on the page, though, suggests a spoken origin….”

Indeed it does, never sounding like it was written to be read quietly by the fire.

Years ago, at an outdoor festival of US literature in Indonesia, I had also chosen to read Underwear to an audience of poets, students, university lecturers, and anybody else who could squeeze into a large outdoor courtyard. I’m still not sure what possessed me to do this, but because a translation was helpfully provided to audience members, attendees laughed at the right moments, and it was great fun to read aloud, alone on stage in that gentle tropical evening.

But beyond his own poetry (and his good business sense with that bookstore and publishing house) it was Ferlinghetti’s vigorous and successful defence of free speech and a free press, early on in his career, over his publication of Ginsberg’s Howl and Other Poems that made Ferlinghetti’s name known nationally, well beyond admirers of the new and experimental in literature. Howl, itself, began with Ginsberg’s apocalyptic vision:

I saw the best minds of my generation destroyed by madness, starving hysterical naked,

dragging themselves through the negro streets at dawn looking for an angry fix,

angelheaded hipsters burning for the ancient heavenly connection to the starry dynamo in the machinery of night,

who poverty and tatters and hollow-eyed and high sat up smoking in the supernatural darkness of cold-water flats floating across the tops of cities contemplating jazz….

As the Shaping San Francisco Digital Archive explained the events:

“Allen Ginsberg’s Howl was written in the summer of 1955 in an apartment at 1010 Montgomery Street. His first public reading of Howl was in October, 1955 at the Six Gallery in North Beach. After this eventful performance, publisher and fellow poet Lawrence Ferlinghetti, borrowing from Emerson’s message to Whitman a century earlier, wired Ginsberg: ‘I greet you at the beginning of a great career. Please send manuscript.’ City Lights published Howl in 1956 and soon the poem, the poet, and the San Francisco Renaissance, or the Beats, were known throughout the country.

“When U.S. Customs released the paperback version of Howl that had been printed in London, Ferlinghetti and his partner, Shigeyosi Murao, were arrested by San Francisco police on obscenity charges. One newspaper headline read: ‘Cops Don’t Allow No Renaissance Here.’ After a long trial (covered in a ‘Life Magazine’ picture story) in which poets, critics, and academics testified to the redeeming social value of Howl, it was ruled not obscene and City Lights was exonerated. The decision that was handed down in the Howl obscenity trial led to the American publication of the previously censored Tropic of Cancer by Henry Miller and D.H. Lawrence’s Lady Chatterley’s Lover. The trials publicity brought the San Francisco Beat Movement into the national spotlight and inspired many would-be poets and seekers to make their way out to the West Coast.”

As The Guardian noted of Howl (and Ferlinghetti’s) success with it, “…but after a failed attempt by the police to prosecute the bookseller for peddling obscene material, the reprints could not come fast enough. Ferlinghetti joked that the police ‘took over the advertising account and did a much better job’. Howl remains the bedrock of City Lights’ publishing success and has gone through well over 50 reprints, often more than one a year.”

Seventeen years before his passing, San Francisco renamed one of its streets: Via Ferlinghetti, in honour of the poet/publisher. It matched the reward to one of Ferlinghetti’s literary colleagues, Jack Kerouac, who has also had a street named after him, Kerouac Alley. And that street, naturally enough, adjoins Ferlinghetti’s City Lights Bookstore.

DM
had sometimes had a deep effect on artistically inclined young black South Africans back in the 1960s. Ferlinghetti would almost certainly have been pleased to have learnt that bit of information. Lawrence Ferlinghetti at Caffe Trieste, in 2012. (Photo: Flickr / Christopher Michel) Ferlinghetti’s place in literature remains secure through his own free-form, multi-layered, allusion-filled, often-sensual ballads. But there was also his creation of the legendary City Lights Bookstore and the pathbreaking New Directions Publishers, with its vastly popular, still-ongoing, “Pocket Poets” series. And Ferlinghetti was also a prolific painter with a kind of expressionism that drew on the names of poets and their works. His successful defence of his publishing and distributing Allen Ginsberg’s Howl and Other Poems against obscenity charges became a major milestone in defence of free speech and freedom of the press in the US and made him a nationally recognised figure back in the 1950s. Ferlinghetti had a difficult upbringing. His father died at about the time of his birth, his mother, unable to care for their large brood of young children, passed him along to an aunt, who then emigrated back to France where he was raised for years, until they returned to the US. By that point, French had actually become his first language. His aunt then passed him along to the family where she had been working as a maid, for them to care for the young Ferlinghetti. When he entered university, he selected the University of North Carolina because that was where novelist Thomas Wolfe, whose work he now idolised, had also studied. After combat service in the navy during World War II in both the Pacific and European theatres of war, he returned home to do an MA at Columbia. Then it was back to France, to the Sorbonne, for a PhD where his thesis was on the symbolism of the city of light as a character in literature. His return thereafter to the US in the early 1950s carried him to California where he took up residence in San Francisco’s North Beach, back then, largely a working class, predominantly Italian-American neighbourhood. Soon Ferlinghetti was busy establishing his bookstore and publishing company, New Directions. The original business plan called for only the stocking of paperback books (then still a new approach to publishing) to make the store’s stock more easily accessible to readers. It was, in fact, the first bookstore in the country to take that approach. Ferlinghetti had signs put up encouraging browsers to take their time and read books in the store if they wished to, thereby turning book buying into an experience rather than a simple purchasing pit stop. That bookstore, and a group of art galleries in the city soon became gathering points for poets, musicians, other writers, and would-be writers, where live readings became an increasingly important part of the avant garde cultural life of the city. Within just a few years, New Directions was carrying an authors’ list that included authors such as Charles Baudelaire, Jorge Luis Borges, Gregory Corso, Gustave Flaubert, André Gide, Hermann Hesse, Christopher Isherwood, James Joyce, Franz Kafka, Denise Levertov, Carson McCullers, Ezra Pound, Henry Miller, Boris Pasternak, Arthur Rimbaud, Kenneth Patchen, William Carlos Williams, and the Buddha, among numerous others. Staking his claim to the power of poetry, Ferlinghetti had written on the back cover of his vastly popular volume, “A Coney Island of the Mind”, (my own well-thumbed copy was purchased way back in the mid-1960s while I was still in high school), “The printing press has made poetry so silent that we’ve forgotten the power of poetry as oral messages. The sound of the streetsinger and the Salvation Army speaker is not to be scorned.” The impact of public readings on their audiences by poets like Yevgeny Yevtushenko in the Soviet Union or South Africa’s Sipho Sepamla, Wally Serote, and Oswald Mtshali could similarly imbue much of the same power to their words recited to eager audiences. A number of Ferlinghetti’s own books of poetry were sold with vinyl recordings of him reading his own works, such as one of his most frequently enjoyed, popular works, Underwear. Or in the printed version: Underwear by Lawrence Ferlinghetti I didn’t get much sleep last night thinking about underwear Have you ever stopped to consider underwear in the abstract When you really dig into it some shocking problems are raised Underwear is something we all have to deal with Everyone wears some kind of underwear The Pope wears underwear I hope The Governor of Louisiana wears underwear I saw him on TV He must have had tight underwear He squirmed a lot Underwear can really get you in a bind You have seen the underwear ads for men and women so alike but so different Women’s underwear holds things up Men’s underwear holds things down Underwear is one thing men and women have in common Underwear is all we have between us You have seen the three-color pictures with crotches encircled to show the areas of extra strength and three-way stretch promising full freedom of action Don’t be deceived It’s all based on the two-party system which doesn’t allow much freedom of choice the way things are set up America in its Underwear struggles thru the night Underwear controls everything in the end Take foundation garments for instance They are really fascist forms of underground government making people believe something but the truth telling you what you can or can’t do Did you ever try to get around a girdle Perhaps Non-Violent Action is the only answer Did Gandhi wear a girdle? Did Lady Macbeth wear a girdle? Was that why Macbeth murdered sleep? And that spot she was always rubbing— Was it really in her underwear? Modern anglosaxon ladies must have huge guilt complexes always washing and washing and washing Out damned spot Underwear with spots very suspicious Underwear with bulges very shocking Underwear on clothesline a great flag of freedom Someone has escaped his Underwear May be naked somewhere Help! But don’t worry Everybody’s still hung up in it There won’t be no real revolution And poetry still the underwear of the soul And underwear still covering a multitude of faults in the geological sense— strange sedimentary stones, inscrutable cracks! If I were you I’d keep aside an oversize pair of winter underwear Do not go naked into that good night And in the meantime keep calm and warm and dry No use stirring ourselves up prematurely ‘over Nothing’ Move forward with dignity hand in vest Don’t get emotional And death shall have no dominion There’s plenty of time my darling Are we not still young and easy Don’t shout This writer has loved that poem since he first read it back in the early 1960s, savouring the conjoining of humour, political satire, acid-tipped social criticism, and the use of rhythm and references to other well-known works. Discussing Ferlinghetti’s poetry, The Guardian explained that the writer’s “own poetry is irreverent, cajoling, casual and loose-limbed, sometimes excessively so; his models were Whitman and William Carlos Williams. In partnership with [another contemporary, poet Philip] Rexroth, he took part in many poetry and jazz events on the West Coast, and the two made a record together. However, he later became disillusioned with the poetry and jazz combination – ‘The poet ended up sounding like he was hawking fish from a street corner,’ he said. His verse on the page, though, suggests a spoken origin….” Indeed it does, never sounding like it was written to be read quietly by the fire. Years ago, at an outdoor festival of US literature in Indonesia, I had also chosen to read Underwear to an audience of poets, students, university lecturers, and anybody else who could squeeze into a large outdoor courtyard. I’m still not sure what possessed me to do this, but because a translation was helpfully provided to audience members, attendees laughed at the right moments, and it was great fun to read aloud, alone on stage in that gentle tropical evening. But beyond his own poetry (and his good business sense with that bookstore and publishing house) it was Ferlinghetti’s vigorous and successful defence of free speech and a free press, early on in his career, over his publication of Ginsberg’s Howl and Other Poems that made Ferlinghetti’s name known nationally, well beyond admirers of the new and experimental in literature. Howl, itself, began with Ginsberg’s apocalyptic vision: I saw the best minds of my generation destroyed by madness, starving hysterical naked, dragging themselves through the negro streets at dawn looking for an angry fix, angelheaded hipsters burning for the ancient heavenly connection to the starry dynamo in the machinery of night, who poverty and tatters and hollow-eyed and high sat up smoking in the supernatural darkness of cold-water flats floating across the tops of cities contemplating jazz…. As the Shaping San Francisco Digital Archive explained the events: “Allen Ginsberg’s Howl was written in the summer of 1955 in an apartment at 1010 Montgomery Street. His first public reading of Howl was in October, 1955 at the Six Gallery in North Beach. After this eventful performance, publisher and fellow poet Lawrence Ferlinghetti, borrowing from Emerson’s message to Whitman a century earlier, wired Ginsberg: ‘I greet you at the beginning of a great career. Please send manuscript.’ City Lights published Howl in 1956 and soon the poem, the poet, and the San Francisco Renaissance, or the Beats, were known throughout the country. “When U.S. Customs released the paperback version of Howl that had been printed in London, Ferlinghetti and his partner, Shigeyosi Murao, were arrested by San Francisco police on obscenity charges. One newspaper headline read: ‘Cops Don’t Allow No Renaissance Here.’ After a long trial (covered in a ‘Life Magazine’ picture story) in which poets, critics, and academics testified to the redeeming social value of Howl, it was ruled not obscene and City Lights was exonerated. The decision that was handed down in the Howl obscenity trial led to the American publication of the previously censored Tropic of Cancer by Henry Miller and D.H. Lawrence’s Lady Chatterley’s Lover. The trials publicity brought the San Francisco Beat Movement into the national spotlight and inspired many would-be poets and seekers to make their way out to the West Coast.” As The Guardian noted of Howl (and Ferlinghetti’s) success with it, “…but after a failed attempt by the police to prosecute the bookseller for peddling obscene material, the reprints could not come fast enough. Ferlinghetti joked that the police ‘took over the advertising account and did a much better job’. Howl remains the bedrock of City Lights’ publishing success and has gone through well over 50 reprints, often more than one a year.” Seventeen years before his passing, San Francisco renamed one of its streets: Via Ferlinghetti, in honour of the poet/publisher. It matched the reward to one of Ferlinghetti’s literary colleagues, Jack Kerouac, who has also had a street named after him, Kerouac Alley. And that street, naturally enough, adjoins Ferlinghetti’s City Lights Bookstore. DM

16 February 2021

THE RUSSIAN ALTERNATIVE: HOW MOSCOW IS CAPITALISING ON US RETREAT IN PALESTINE, ISRAEL

12 February 2021
The Russian Alternative: How Moscow is Capitalizing on US Retreat in Palestine, Israel
by Ramzy Baroud
Photograph Source: Mahmoud Abbas and Vladimir Putin. April 18, 2016 in Kremlin – CC BY 4.0

Israeli anxiety was palpable when it was reported that Israel’s Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, was not contacted by the new American President, Joe Biden, for days after the latter’s inauguration. While much is being read into Biden’s decision, including Washington’s lack of enthusiasm to return to the ‘peace process’, Moscow is generating much attention as a possible alternative to the United States by hosting inner Palestinian dialogue and conversing with leaders of Palestinian political groups.

Indeed, a political shift is taking place on both fronts: the US away from the region and Russia back to it. If this trend continues, it could only be a matter of time before a major paradigm shift occurs.

The Israelis are rightly worried at the potential loss of the unconditional support of their American benefactors. “There are 195 countries in the world, and … Biden has not contacted 188 of them,” Herb Keinon wrote in The Jerusalem Post on February 2, adding, “but only in Israel, people are concerned about the significance of this delay”.

The concern is justified as Israel has been designated as Washington’s most prominent ally for many years, both in the Middle East and globally.

It is unclear whether the relegation of Netanyahu during Biden’s early days in office is an indicator that Israel — in fact, the entire region – is no longer an American priority or a warning message to Netanyahu who has rallied for years in support of the Republican Administration of Donald Trump.

Thanks to Netanyahu’s foreign policy miscalculation, support for Israel has, in recent years, become an unprecedented partisan issue in US politics. While the overwhelming majority of Republicans support Israel, only a minority of Democrats sympathize with Israel, as recent public opinion polls revealed.

While it is true that Netanyahu’s behavior in recent years earned him special status within Republican ranks thus making him persona non grata among Democrats, it is equally true that the US seems to be divesting from the Middle East altogether.

According to Politico, reporting on the Biden Administration’s initial days in office, a major restructuring has already taken place among the staff of the US National Security Council, flipping the previous structure “where the Middle East directorate was much bigger than it is now and the Asia portfolio was managed by a handful of more junior staffers.”

However, it is not only Washington that is shifting its geostrategic center of gravity. Russia, too, is undergoing a major restructuring in its foreign policy priorities. While Washington is retreating from the Middle East, Moscow is cementing its presence in the region, which began gradually in its calculated involvement in the Syrian conflict in 2015. Moscow is now offering itself as a political partner and a more balanced mediator between Israel and the Palestinians.

Like the US, Russia might not necessarily see its political involvement as a precursor to actually ending the so-called Israeli-Palestinian conflict, though Moscow insists, unlike Washington, on the centrality of international law and United Nations Resolutions in the quest for a just peace. Writing in the Polish Institute of International Affairs, Michał Wojnarowicz argues that Russia’s involvement in Palestine and Israel is consistent with its overall strategy in the Middle East, aimed at building “a network of influence among regional actors and boost its image as an attractive political partner.”

A variation of this view was offered in the New York Times in 2016, when Moscow began working to translate its strategic gains in Syria to political capital throughout the region. It was during this time that the American-sponsored peace process had reached a dead end, giving Russia the opportunity to float the idea of a Moscow-sponsored talk between Israel and Palestine.

“Russia’s new-found Middle East peace push, part of President Vladimir V. Putin’s reinsertion of Moscow into the region in a profound way after years of retreat, seems to be about everything but finding peace in the Middle East,” a NYT op-ed argued. “Instead, it is about Moscow’s ambitions and competition with Washington.”

At the time, Netanyahu rejected the Russian overture, in the hope that a Republican Administration would grant Israel all of its demands without making any concessions. The Palestinians, including relatively isolated movements like Hamas and the Islamic Jihad, found in Moscow a welcoming environment and a crucial international power that is able to balance out Washington’s blind support for Israel.

Despite Israel’s refusal to engage with the Palestinians under Russian auspices, many Palestinian delegations visited Moscow, culminating, in January 2017, in a political breakthrough when rival Palestinian factions, Fatah, Hamas and others, held serious talks in the hope of bridging their differences. Although the round of talks did not bring about Palestinian unity, it served as Russia’s political debut in a conflict that has fallen squarely within the American geopolitical space.

Since then, Russia has remained very involved through well-structured efforts championed by Putin’s Special Envoy, Mikhail Bogdanov. These efforts are channeled through three different areas: inner Palestinian dialogue, Palestinian-Israeli dialogue and, of late, dialogue within the Fatah movement itself. The latter, especially, is indicative of the nature of Moscow’s involvement in the multi-layered conflicts at work in the region.

Even when Palestinian groups are finalizing their previous agreements in Cairo, top Palestinian officials continue to coordinate their actions with Moscow and with Bogdanov, personally.

Russia’s credibility among Palestinian groups is boosted by similar credibility among ordinary Palestinians as well, especially as it emerged in January that they will be receiving the Russian Sputnik V COVID-19 vaccine, scheduled to be available in the Occupied Territories in the near future.

Moreover, while Washington publicly declared that it will not roll back any of Trump’s actions in favor of Israel, Russian Foreign Minister, Sergei Lavrov, is pushing for an international peace conference on Palestine, to be held in the coming months.

The US now has no other option but to slowly retreat from its previous commitments to the peace process: in fact, the region as a whole. As is often the case, any American retreat means a potential opening for Russia, which is now laying claim to the role of peace broker, a seismic change that many Palestinians are already welcoming.

Ramzy Baroud is a journalist and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of five books. His latest is “These Chains Will Be Broken: Palestinian Stories of Struggle and Defiance in Israeli Prisons” (Clarity Press, Atlanta). Dr. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA), Istanbul Zaim University (IZU). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net

10 February 2021

EDDIE McGUIRE - MEDIA, RACISM, AND WHAT IS MISSING? - HOMOPHOBIA, THAT'S WHAT!

Homophobia is missing from the great debate.


The great debate surrouding Eddie McGuire rages about racism. Australia is a racist country and has been since 26 January 1788.

Racism is endemic in the soul of many Australians and wave after wave of migrants and settlers of many hues are, or become racists by absorption and the "tradition" has continued down the ages.

The worst glaring example has been in the treatment of the indigenous population of Australia from day one of white invasion and settlement.

AFL or "footy" as it is widely known is a religion in Victoria and has been racist since its inception or development as a rugby code, so it is interesting to see the latest outbreak in Collingwood due to a report published - commissioned by Collingwood football club itself.

In some respects, racism is easy to see when it is directed against players of colour, by which is meant those who are not of white skin and so are usually fairly easy to distinguish.

There have been some outstanding players over the years, amongst which have been men of colour and they have suffered racism when playing from spectators but of course from white players and officials in dressing rooms and elsewhere.

I know a great deal about racism, being a South African and living in Johannesburg during some of the worst times of apartheid in the police state which South Africa had become.

I came to Australia to live in 1978 having been born in Johannesburg and lived there until 1978 when it became very difficult to continue living there with all that was going on which made those of us who did not accept the racism that made every day living more and more unpleasant.

I knew that there was racism in Australia - it was obvious when one was able to see the treatment of the indigenous people on a daily basis, and continues to this day, but the uproar occasioned by the Eddie McGuire event - read all about it in the mainstream media - is fairly rare.

What is left out of the equation is the fact that Collingwood and all the other clubs in the AFL game are also extrememly homophobic, which is also evidenced on a daily basis, because not one gay player is openly identified amongst the hundreds of players and officials associated with footy.

What is also not mentioned - and don't forget that gay people are not always as easily identified as people of colour - is that Eddie McGuire has come out abusively against gay people of sport on a few occasions most appallingly.

When is something going to be done about homophobia in the AFL where it is as rampant as the racism?

It is now 2021, people who identify as sexually different from the accepted "norm" need to be able to live happy lives free of the horrors of discrimination, so blatant in many spheres of our lives.

So far homophobia has not been mentioned in relation to the racism outcry.

We are not holding our collective breaths!

08 February 2021

INTERNATIONAL SUPPORT FOR PALESTINE AFTER 100 YEARS

ICC clears way for war crimes probe of Israeli actions in Palestinian territories


By Josef Federman
6 February 2021

Jerusalem: Judges at the International Criminal Court in The Hague have decided the court has jurisdiction over war crimes committed in the Palestinian territories, paving the way for a possible a war crimes probe into Israeli military actions.

The decision prompted swift reactions from both Israel, which is not a member of the court and rejects its jurisdiction, and the Palestinian Authority, which welcomed the ruling.

ICC Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda said her office was studying the finding and would decide what to do next “guided strictly by its independent and impartial mandate” to prosecute grave war crimes and atrocities when countries are unable or unwilling to do so themselves.

Palestinian children wait in line while holding pots to receive free meals of green pea stew cooked by Samera Abu Amra, unseen, for distribution to poor residents in Gaza City on Thursday.

The ICC judges said their decision was based on the fact that Palestine has been granted membership to the tribunal’s founding treaty, and had referred the situation to the court. The judges said the jurisdiction decision does not imply any attempt to determine Palestinian statehood, which is uncertain, or national borders.

“The court’s territorial jurisdiction in the situation in Palestine ... extends to the territories occupied by Israel since 1967, namely Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem,” they said.

Bensouda had found in December 2019 that there was a “reasonable basis” to open a probe into potential war crimes “in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip”. But she asked the court to determine whether she had territorial jurisdiction before proceeding.

Chief prosecutor Fatou Bensouda at the International Criminal Court in The Hague, Netherlands.Credit:AP

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu decried the decision and vowed to fight “this perversion of justice."

The Palestinian Foreign Ministry said the ruling meant it was “historic day for [the] principle of accountability”. Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh said it was a “victory for justice and humanity.”

The Palestinians, who joined the court in 2015, have pushed for an investigation. Israel has said the court has no jurisdiction because the Palestinians do not have statehood and because the borders of any future state are to be decided in peace talks. It also accuses the court of inappropriately wading into political issues.

Related Article A battle of wills is under way in the occupied West Bank, where Israel has demolished the village of Khirbet Humsu three times in as many months.

Israeli-Palestinian conflict
How a remote West Bank village became the focus of a battle of wills

The Palestinians have asked the court to look into Israeli actions during its 2014 war against Palestinian militants in the Gaza Strip, as well as construction of Jewish settlements in the occupied West Bank and annexed east Jerusalem.

The international community widely considers the settlements to be illegal under international law and an obstacle to peace but has done little to pressure Israel to freeze or reverse their growth.

Israel’s military has mechanisms to investigate alleged wrongdoing by its troops, and despite criticism that the system is insufficient, experts say it has a good chance of fending off ICC investigation into its wartime practices.

When it comes to settlements, however, experts say Israel could have a difficult time defending its actions. International law forbids the transfer of a civilian population into occupied territory.

Israel captured the West Bank, Gaza and east Jerusalem in the 1967 war, territories the Palestinians want for their future state. Some 700,000 Israelis live in settlements in the West Bank and east Jerusalem.

A boy holds a Palestinian flag after Israeli troops demolished tents and other structures of the Khirbet Humsu hamlet in the Jordan Valley in the West Bank on Wednesday.

A boy holds a Palestinian flag after Israeli troops demolished tents and other structures of the Khirbet Humsu hamlet in the Jordan Valley in the West Bank on Wednesday.Credit:AP

Israel says east Jerusalem is an indivisible part of its capital and that the West Bank is “disputed” territory whose fate should be resolved in negotiations.

While the court would have a hard time prosecuting Israelis, it could issue arrest warrants that would make it difficult for Israeli officials to travel abroad. A case in the ICC would also be deeply embarrassing to the government. Netanyahu led the 2014 war in Gaza, while current Israeli Defence Minister Benny Gantz was the military chief of staff at the time.

In a videotaped statement released after midnight, Netanyahu accused the court of “pure anti-Semitism” and having a double standard.

“The ICC refuses to investigate brutal dictatorships like Iran and Syria, who commit horrific atrocities almost daily,” he said. “We will fight this perversion of justice with all our might!”

Nabil Shaath, a senior aide to Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, welcomed the decision and said it proved the Palestinians were right to go to the ICC. “This is good news, and the next step is to launch an official investigation into Israel’s crimes against our people,” he said.

The ICC could also potentially investigate crimes committed by Palestinians militants. Bensouda has said her probe would look into the actions of Hamas, which fired rockets indiscriminately into Israel during the 2014 war.

In Washington, US State Department spokesman Ned Price told reporters that the Biden administration was “taking a close look” at the decision.

“However, we have serious concerns about the ICC’s attempts to exercise jurisdiction over Israeli personnel,” Price said. “We have always taken the position that the court’s jurisdiction should be reserved for those who consent to it or are referred by the UN Security Council.”

The decision, detailed in a 60-page legal brief, was released late on Friday (Saturday AEDT), after Israel had shut down for the weekly Jewish Sabbath.

Human Rights Watch welcomed the decision, saying it “finally offers victims of serious crimes some real hope for justice after a half century of impunity.”

“It’s high time that Israeli and Palestinian perpetrators of the gravest abuses — whether war crimes committed during hostilities or the expansion of unlawful settlements — face justice,” said Balkees Jarrah, associate international justice director at the New York-based group.

The three-judge pretrial chamber ruled that Palestine is a state party to the Rome Statute establishing the ICC. With one judge dissenting, it ruled that Palestine qualifies as the state on the territory in which the “conduct in question” occurred and that the court’s jurisdiction extends to east Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza.

Last year, the Trump administration imposed sanctions against ICC officials, after earlier revoking Bensouda’s entry visa, in response to the court’s attempts to prosecute American troops for actions in Afghanistan.

The US, like Israel, does not recognise the court’s jurisdiction. At the time, then-Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said the steps were meant as retribution for investigations into the United States and its allies, a reference to Israel.

The Biden administration has said it will review those sanctions.

AP, Reuters

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90 years old, political gay activist, hosting two web sites, one personal: http://www.red-jos.net one shared with my partner, 94-year-old Ken Lovett: http://www.josken.net and also this blog. The blog now has an alphabetical index: http://www.red-jos.net/alpha3.htm

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