South Africa - Daily Maverick
Remembering Biko: Black Consciousness Movement leader's killers must sit in the dock
Forty years after police killed Black
Consciousness Movement leader Steve Biko, no one has been prosecuted.
That’s despite five officers being denied amnesty by the Truth and
Reconciliation Commission. As the country commemorates another year
since the struggle hero was killed, the inquest into Biko’s death should
be reopened. The recent inquest into Ahmed Timol’s death sets an
example.
By GREG NICOLSON.
By GREG NICOLSON.
In 2014, auctioneers Westgate
Walding tried to sell Steve Biko and Ahmed Timol’s original autopsy
documents. Biko’s had a reserve of R70,000 to R100,000. The families of
Timol, who was allegedly killed by apartheid police in 1971, and Biko,
killed by police in 1977, hired the same pathologist to conduct
autopsies. He left his records to his assistant and when she died they
ended up with her children. Then Westgate and Walding tried to sell the
autopsies, including certificates from pathologists and post-mortem
reports.
The auction was interdicted, but the grotesque
attempt was symbolic. How can someone so blatantly disrespect South
African struggle heroes, who were killed while fighting for freedom,
their remaining loved ones, and the country? It’s simple, really:
because justice, much like democracy, has never quite arrived and we
commemorate the dead without actually honouring them.
Today marks 40 years since the 30-year-old
activist and intellectual Steve Biko died of brain injuries after he was
arrested in Port Elizabeth. He was severely beaten by cops, shackled
and driven naked in the back of a police vehicle to Pretoria where he
died in a prison cell. He had an international reputation and his death
drew condemnation from around the world. But no one involved in the
killing of one of the country’s most important struggle leaders has
faced consequences. Not during apartheid. Not in democracy.
Biko was arrested in August 1977, like others who
were seen as influential to the student protests a year before. The
then minister of justice and police, Jimmy Kruger, claimed he died in
custody while on a hunger strike. He was said to be the 20th person to
have died in custody in the preceding 18 months. Journalists exposed
Kruger’s lie and an inquest was established.
“On the available evidence the death cannot be
attributed to any act or omission amounting to a criminal offence,”
ruled the magistrate.
The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC)
disagreed. Five police officers applied for amnesty – Harold Snyman,
Gideon Nieuwoudt, Ruben Marx, Daantjie Siebert and Johan Beneke. The TRC rejected
their version of events, calling them improbable and contradictory. It
said they weren’t credible witnesses.
“They had clearly conspired to conceal the truth of what led to the tragic death of Biko soon after the incident and have persisted in this attitude before us.”
“They had clearly conspired to conceal the truth of what led to the tragic death of Biko soon after the incident and have persisted in this attitude before us.”
The amnesty applications were rejected, but in
2003 the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) declined to prosecute. It
said there was insufficient evidence to justify charges, with a lack of
eyewitnesses, but it might reconsider its decision if new evidence
emerged.
On Tuesday, President Jacob Zuma will visit Kgosi
Mampuru Prison and lay a wreath in the cell where Biko died. “Steve
Biko fought white supremacy and was equally disturbed by what he saw as
an inferiority complex amongst black people. He emphasised the need for
psychological liberation for black people, to accompany physical
liberation to undo the damage caused by apartheid,” said Zuma on Monday.
“He advocated black pride and black self-reliance, believing that black
people should be their own liberators and lead organisations fighting
for freedom.”
Commemorations that don’t call for justice are
disingenuous. That’s where Timol comes back in. Officially, an apartheid
inquest found the former SACP leader died after jumping off the 10th
story of Johannesburg’s infamous John Vorster police station. His
family fought for years for the NPA to reopen the inquest. After
resistance, or perhaps incompetence, the NPA finally reopened the
inquest, which was held recently in Pretoria.
Witnesses were called to the stand. The gruesome
details of apartheid police’s detainment and torture techniques were
once again revealed. Different versions of how Timol died were
interrogated. Pathology reports, after the auctioneer who owns them
allowed access, were scrutinised. The court is still to deliver its
findings, but Timol’s family was finally allowed a chance to find out
more about what happened and who might have been responsible.
Such inquests are legally established to make
four findings: who died, when they died, how they died, and if anyone is
responsible and should be recommended for investigation and possible
charges.
Biko’s death received far greater attention than
Timol’s. But neither the media reports, the 1977 inquest, or the TRC
process can be seen as sufficiently comprehensive. Five people asked for
amnesty for Biko’s death, but do we know all the facts? Were there
others involved who did not come forward? How many people were involved
in the attempted cover up? Can new evidence be unearthed that could
justify criminal charges against those involved?
Whether the inquest into Biko’s killing is
reopened or not will likely depend on whether his family wants to pursue
it. There are pitfalls. Timol’s family had to doggedly pursue the NPA
to get the process started. Then they had to sit through painful
testimonies.
But Biko’s legacy is only becoming more and more
important in South Africa. His voice has an increasingly prominent
influence on modern politics, particularly amongst student activists
calling for rapid and far-reaching change. The country deserves to know
more about how he was killed. It deserves to see those involved
cross-examined in a courtroom. DM
- Greg Nicolson
- South Africa
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