This article in The Age newspaper on 13 June 2011 has to be one of the most insightful articles of recent times on those two "bastions of democracy, Israel and India".
A MUST READ article!!!
Tremors on mountains of tyranny
June 13, 2011
Illustration: Andrew Dyson.
Non-violent mass movements against India and Israel pose a challenge to the pronouncements of Barack Obama.
AT A dark moment in postcolonial history, when many US-backed despots seemed indestructible, the great Urdu poet Faiz Ahmed Faiz wrote: ''We shall witness [the day] when the enormous mountains of tyranny blow away like cotton.'' That miraculous day finally came in Egypt and Tunisia this northern spring. We have since witnessed many of the world's legislators scrambling to get on the right side of history.
Addressing the ''Muslim world'' last month, President Barack Obama hailed ''the moral force of non-violence'', through which ''the people of the region have achieved more change in six months than terrorists have accomplished in decades''. But Obama failed to acknowledge the fact that the US enabled, and often required, the ''relentless tyranny of governments that deny their citizens dignity''. And he gave no sign that he would respect the moral authority of non-violent mass movements ranged against America's closest allies, India and Israel.
Let's not forget: before the Arab spring of 2011, there was the Kashmiri summer of 2010.
Provoked by the killing of a teenage boy in June last year, thousands of Kashmiris took to the streets to protest against India's brutal military occupation of the Muslim-majority valley. Summer is the usual ''season for a face-off in Kashmir'', as Indian filmmaker Sanjay Kak writes in Until My Freedom Has Come: The New Intifada in Kashmir, a lively anthology of young Kashmiri writers, activists, rappers and graphic artists. There is little doubt that Kashmiris, emboldened by the Arab spring, will again stage massive demonstrations.
The chances of a third intifada in the Palestinian territories occupied by Israel are just as high, as Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu devises ever greater hurdles to self-determination for his Arab subjects. In the next few months we will see more clearly than before how India and Israel - billed respectively as the world's largest, and the Middle East's only, democracy - respond to unarmed mass movements.
Certainly, they have shown no sign of fresh thinking. India's security establishment fell back last summer on reflexes conditioned by two decades of fighting a militant insurgency during which more than 70,000 people have died; 8000 have ''disappeared'', often into mass graves; and innumerable others have been subjected to ''systematic torture'', according to a rare public outburst from the Red Cross.
Last summer, soldiers fired at demonstrators, killing 112 civilians, mostly teenagers. (Kashmir has many of its own Hamza al-Khatibs, a 13-year-old tortured and mutilated by the Syrian government). The Indian government imposed round-the-clock curfews (one village was locked in for six weeks) and banned text messaging on mobile phones, while police spies infiltrated Facebook groups in an attempt to hunt down organisers of demonstrations.
Faced with non-violent Palestinian protesters, who correctly deduce that their methods have a better chance of influencing world opinion than Hamas's suicide bombers, Israel has not varied its repertoire of repression much. For years now the West Bank village of Bilin has campaigned against the Israeli government's appropriation of its lands. Israel responded by jailing its leader, Abdallah Abu Rahmah, often called the Palestinian Gandhi, for 15 months - ''solely'', according to Amnesty International, ''for the peaceful exercise of his right to freedom of expression and assembly''.
Encouraged by Egyptians and Tunisians, masses of unarmed Palestinians marched last month to the borders of Israel to mark the dispossession of 750,000 Palestinians in Mandate Palestine. Israeli soldiers met them with live gunfire, killing more than a dozen.
Of course, occupations damage the occupier no less than the occupied. Revanchist nationalism has corroded democratic and secular institutions in both India and Israel, which, not surprisingly, have developed a strong military relationship in recent years.
Israeli counter-insurgency experts now regularly visit Kashmir.
India and Israel, both products of botched imperial partitions, were the Bush government's two most avid international boosters of the catastrophic ''war on terror'', deploying the ideological templates of the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq - democracy versus terrorism, liberalism versus fundamentalism - to justify their own occupations.
Jingoistic media helped hardliners in both countries to demonise their political adversaries as terrorists or terrorist sympathisers. Liberal opinion grew almost inaudible. Writing in The New York Review of Books, Israeli scholar and activist David Shulman lamented: ''Israeli academic intellectuals as a group have failed to mount a sustained and politically effective protest against the occupation.'' This is also true of the Indian intelligentsia.
So the burden of non-violent protest in India and Israel has fallen almost entirely on the victims of the occupation. Many liberal commentators try to condone their passivity by deploring the absence of non-violent protests in Kashmir and Palestine (never mind the fact that the first intifadas in both places in the late 1980s turned violent only after being savagely suppressed).
The moment of truth is fast approaching for those powerful men who preach the high morality of non-violence to the powerless. Only a US veto seems likely to prevent UN member states from declaring a new Palestinian state in September. But Palestinians may rise up against their colonial overlords well before this expected rejection. As political philosopher Michael Walzer points out, Israel would then confront ''something radically new. How can it resist masses of men and women, children too, just walking across the ceasefire lines?''
The tactics of young, tech-savvy Kashmiris have already confused and bewildered the Indian government, whose recent actions - censoring The Economist, forcing spying rights out of BlackBerry and Google - evoke the last-minute desperation of the Arab world's mukhabarat (secret police) states. The mass movement in Kashmir, which has emerged after two decades of a futile militant insurgency, poses, as Kashmiri journalist Parvaiz Bukhari writes in Until My Freedom Has Come, an unprecedented ''moral challenge to New Delhi's military domination''.
The stage is set, then, for a northern summer of protests. They may well meet with live bullets rather than offers of negotiation and compromise. It will be fascinating to see if Obama makes good his claim last month that the US ''opposes violence and repression'' and ''welcomes change that advances self-determination''. Certainly, as the corpses of the Palestinian and Kashmiri Hamza al-Khatibs pile up, there will be the usual flurry of intellectual rationalisations - the bogy of Islamic terror will again be invoked. And we will witness how the ''enormous mountains of tyranny'' in the world's greatest democracies do not blow away like cotton.
Pankaj Mishra is the author of Temptations of the West: How to Be Modern in India, Pakistan, Tibet, and Beyond.